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19/08/1843

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The Halfax Free Press

Date of Article: 19/08/1843
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Ami now the time in special is, by privilege, to write and spealc what may help to the f urther discussing of matters in agitation. The Temple of Janus, with his two controvcrsal faces, might now not unsignificantly be set open: and though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in ihe field, we do injuriously, by licensing and prohibiting, to misdoubt her strength. Let her and falsehood grapple. Who ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter Her confuting is the best and surest suppressing.— MILTON'S AREOPAOITICA. MR. THE FREE PRESS. PROTHEROE A SUPPORTER OF A TORY GOVERNMENT!! Many of Mr. Protheroe's supporters, in this borough, have often complained of the ominous silence which that gentleman has kept, in the house, since his election as their representative. At last, however, he has opened his lips ; and his speech,— the first, we believe, during the six years that he has sat for this borough,— was in support of a Tory measure for increasing the military force at the disposal of the government! It was delivered on Monday night, in the de- bate on a bill, introduced by ministers, for arming the Chelsea pensioners. Mr. Thomas Duncombe opposed the bill; and Mr. Protheroe's speech in support of it, is thus reported in the Morning Chronicle:— Mr. PROTHEROE said he could not participate In the fears which had been expressed respecting a standing army. The experience of the hon. member for Durham in his progress through England might of itself have convinced him that his fears in this respect were visionary, and lie would ask the hon. member for Cork whether his colleague's progress through Ireland furnished any evidence that the free ex- pression of public opinion was prevented by reason of a military force ( hear, hear, and a laugh) f Let the army be ever so strong, public opinion would have its weight in this country. He confessed he entertained not the least dread of the effect which the measure now proposed by the govern- ment might have upon public opinion. He drew a broad distinction between public opinion and violence ( hear, hear). He looked upon the bill as a measure of police— as a measure necessary for repressing violence ; and he must say that he could perceive nothing that was inconsistent with sound sense in the observation of the right hon. and gallant gent., that under particular circumstances a standing army was conducive to the preservation of publicttliberty. He hap- pened to be in the neighbourhood of the borough which he represented, in Yorkshire, during the disturbances in the manufacturing districts last autumn, and he knew that the desire which was then uppermost in the minds of the staunchest Whigs and Radicals was to obtain the means of affording protection to property ( hear, hear). They repre. iented the danger which was incurred owing to the want of troops, and complained of the government for not having accedcd to rlieir proposition for having a barrack in that neighbourhood. He thought that much greater danger to liberty was to be apprehended from violence than any force which might be maintained for its suppression ( hear, hear). He knew not how his sentiments might be received by some of the gentlemen near him, but for his part, he thought it was easting an unjust reflection upon public opinion in this country, to suppose that it could be injuriously affected by such a measure as that before the house. In judging of a measure of this nature, he would allow himself to be guided to some extent, by the character of those who proposed it. He was opposed in politics to the right hon. and gallant member who brought the bill forward, but he was one of the last men from whom he ( Mr. Protheroe) would expect any unconstitutional proposition to emanate. The right hon. and gallant officer was too brave a man to assail the constitution by such petty means. He also felt bound to declare that he did not think any one had a right to attri- bute to the present administration, a sanguinary disposl- tlon, or a desire to have recourse to coercive measures ( hear, hear). He daily read attacks on the government on account of what was termed their supineness and tameness of spirit, as evinced in their determination not to coerce a large portion of the empire; but In those very attacks he found proofs of the wisdom and temperance of the government. Seeing no ground for alarm in the character of those who brought the bill forward, he looked at the bill Itself, and it appeared simply a measure of police — to facilitate the calling out of a body of men, and making their services available for the protection of life and property. These men would form a local force for the protection ef particular districts. If ministers meditated an attack on the liberties of the country would they look for an Instru- ment in such a paltry force as it was proposed to embody under the bill? He had entered the house rather disposed todisapprov of the measure; but the speech of the hon. mem tier for Flnsbury, instead of confirming that impression of hip mind, had, by the overcharged picture which it con- tained of the danger to be apprehended from a standlngarmy Induced him, perhaps, to take a more favourable view of the measure than he otherwise would have done. He nupported the bill as a measure for the protection of life and property against the violence of misguided men; and he believed that it would not have the effect of preventing the hon. member for Stockport from continuing his efforts to convince the people of England of the propriety of repealing the corn laws, nor of impeding Mr. O'Conllell's course in Ireland. Some hon. gentlemen seemed to entertain a very erroneous opinion respecting public opinion. He had sup- ported several motions for extending the provisions of the reform act; but taking that measure even as it stood, It was a very good one, and gave representation of the people in parliament, and however much he might regret ttiat the right hon. gentlemen opposite were in power, and the Whigs out of power, he would notdisguise the fact that the present government was placed in power by the will of the people. He would recommend hts friends near him to work on the minds of the people and endeavour to change their senti- ments. It was not a standing army or Chelsea pensioners that could maintain either a Conservative or Whig govern- ment in office; the only basis of power in this country was public opinion ( tiear, hear). Having received this speech at a late hour, we have not time for comment; and we there- fore transcribe into our columns part of the remarks of the Nonconformist; reserving our own observations until next week. Under the head, " The High Road to Despotism," the Nonconformist says,— " Within a fortnight of the termination of a session, during which six months have been wasted, now in party altercation, then in resisting all proposed mea- sures of national relief, without producing so much as a single remedial act;— at a period when five, sixths of the members of parliament have taken their leave of their duties, and have set out in search of amuse- ment,— under the unsuspicious title of the Chelsea Pensioners bill,— thegovernment of this country have asked for power to augment the physical force at their disposal to the amount of forty seven thousand men. " The facts are briefly these. The Chelsea pen- sioners are men who having run out their period of service in the army, have merged again into the rank of civilians, on half- pay. They number in all about seventy six thousand, and of these forty or filty thousand are described as fit for active service. From these men, the government ask to be authorized to select an indefinite number, at present estimated by themselves at ten thousand, whom they propose to arm, to accoutre, and to drill eight days in every year. The country is to be divided into districts at their discretion ; and within each district a corps of effective men, accustomed to military discipline, and whenever called out subject to the provisions of the mutiny act, is to be held in readiness, either to do garrison duty in the absence of regular troops, or to aid the civil power, within each district, to put down any insurrectionary movement of the masses. In one word, the military force placed at the command of the aristocracy, for the suppression of agitation and the perpetuation of monopoly, is to be increased to a most alarming extent.' * * * " The ends to which this force will he applied, may be ascertained by attending to the arguments put for- waid by the parties anxious for its organization. Sir Henry Hardinge, the secretary of war, thought it the part of every good citizen to preserve order, and to prevent the peace of the country from being disturbed by seditious demagoyues. And Mr. Borthwick,— who, it is needless to observe, gave his support to this pro- posal of ministers,— remarked, ' It was often said that government were bound to protect the landed interest, and the propeity of the manufacturers ; but he thought there was another description of property which they were not less bound to protect,— that of the misled multitude, who were harangued almost into insurrection by the speeches of honourable and eloquent gentlemen in this country and in Ireland.' Now we are at no loss to interpret language of this kind. We know well what is the aristocratic mean ing of the phrase ' seditious demagogues.' Up to the passing ol the r form bill,— aye, and oft times since, — history presents us with illustrations, sufficiently numerous and vivid, of what civil rulers regard as comprehended by that designation. It is a convenient term. It possesses a sort of self- adjusting power. It will contract and expand with events. When, for example, parliament has risen, and parliamentary extravagance, recklessness, and oppression, shall have goaded a distressed and famished people into dis- quietude, then the discussion of their grievances, and vigorous agitation for constitutional changes, will be deemed incompatible with the preservation of the public peace;— royal proclamations will forbid, as they forbad last year, the gathering of out- door us- s ' inblies ;— and there, where free- trade or democratic sentiments are most rife, the services of drilled and accoutred Chelsea pensioners, armed with muskets and under stringent military discipline, will he most sedulously employed." GOVERNMENT GRANTS FOR EDUCATION. When money is taken from the public revenue, for any particular object, the people have a right to expect that the government, as the lawful guardian of that revenue, will see . that the amount so taken is faithfully ap- propriated lo the object for which it was granted. On this ground, and we believe it lo be founded in strict justice as well as in good policy, we cannot see any valid reason to object to an inspection, by a properly appointed government officer, of those educational estab- lishment which have been in part erected at the public expense, ll is right that, by means of such inspection, the government should be satisfied of the fact that ihe money granted has been fairly expended, in accordance with the intention of the donors ;— that is, in our opinion, that the building towards the erection of which the grant was made, is actually devoted to educational purposes, for the benefit of that class of the community who have not fhe means wherewith to procure education for their children. This is, we think, all that the government has a right to demand; and lo such an inspection we would not for one moment object : but when the government goes beyond this, and attempts to control Ihe local management of the schools that have been so assisted, and to interfere with the system of education adopted by the teachers, then the inspection becomes obnoxious, and tends to throw into the hands of the government of the day,— that is, into the hands of a political party, a dangerous power over the education, and consequently over the liberties, of the people. Even the slightest and most distant approach lo the excercise of such a power, ought lo be watched and resisted with the utmost vigilance, jealousy, and resoluteness. That the clergy of the established church are exceedingly anxious lo get into their hands an effective control over the education of the people, is clear from the educational clauses of the factory bill, and from the recent meeting, at which nearly thirty thousand pounds were subscribed for the pro- motion of education on Church of England principles. From the facts which have come before Ihe public, it seems that the government inspection of the schools assisted by parliamentary grants, is likely to be perverted to Ihe furtherance of the same object ; and therefore it behoves all dissenters,— anil, in fact, all true friends of civil and religious liberty,— lo be exceedingly cautious of availing themselves of pecuniary assistance that is burdened with conditions of so ominous a description as is implied in the inspection claimed by ( he Education Com- mittee of the Privy Council. This is a matter which we are very desirous of impressing upon our readers ; inasmuch as we know how strongly many warm and zealous friends of the British Schools in this lown, are prepossessed in favour of an application for a government grant, to enable them to enlarge the building, and increase the efficiency of both schools, but especially of that for girls. The private subscription which has been set on foot, has been nobly and generously supported ; and we are sure that, were our townsmen properly o THE HALIFAX FREE PRESS. appealed to, the sum raised would be amply sufficient fir the completion of the design, without subjecting the institution to any ex- terna! interference,— especially to the interfe- rence of parties who are hostile to the system of instruction adopted by the British and Foreign School Society. We cannot, at present, enlarge on this topic, but shall return to it shortly ; and, in the mean time, we earnestly entreat the Committee of the Hritish School to ponder well the conse- quences, ere they incur obligations which may materially fetter the efficiency, and ultimately jeopardize the usefulness, of the institution. POETRY. ~ 1hugTNXL7~ THE REPEAL AGITATION. What a legislature has a right to enact, it has a right to r. peal. This, we presume, will not be denied, but will be at once admitted as an axiom in political science. That all acts of the legislature are legilitnate objects of popular petitions, either for or against, will, also, we presume, be conceded as beyond dispute. What, then, we ask, is these either illegal or unconstitutional in the present movement in Ireland ? What Mr. O'Conuell asks is, the re- peal of an act of parliament, passed little more than fjrty years ago ; and the influence of which, according to him, has been injurious to the interests of Ireland. Before the commencement of the present century, the affairs of Ireland were managed by a parliament of its own ; subject, of course, to the supreme authority of the British Govern- ment. By the Act of Union, that parliament was abolished ; and Ireland had awarded to Jisr, in lieu of it, a share in the legislature of the United Kingdom,— a certain number of his peers having seats in the upper house, and her cities and counties returning members to the lower house. The demand of the Irish people, under the leadership of O'Connell, is, that their own parliament shall be restored; and that the legislation for Ireland shall be carried on in her own capital, by her own representatives. Thi* was the state of things, for centuries after Eng- land had subjected Ireland to her sway ; and each a slate of things is perfectly compatible with the permanence of that subjection. Ilere, then, we have a plain statement of what is meant by the Repeal of the Union,- an object which may be desired and sought for without any violation of law, and which, if obtained, would Dot necessarily involve in it an}' breach upon the constitution. Whether such a repeal be, or ba not, calcu- lated for the weal of either England or Ireland, we do not now propose to consider. Certain legislative acts might perhaps be better entrust- ed to an Irish, than to an United, legislature ; — s jch, for example, as those of a private and local description: but, on the whole, we regard it as better to have the entire kingdom under the i ule of one united legislative body. This, however, it is not now our purpose to consider. Our object is to divest the Repeal Question of those mysterious horrors with w hich it seems to be, in the apprehension of many men, por- tentously invested ; aud to show what it really is. That a Repeal of the Union should be a popular cry in Ireland, cannot be wondered at; seeing that it carries on its front the stamp ot' patriotism and the promise of liberty aud self- government. That a repeal of the Union would cither endanger the integrity of the British empire, as is predicted by its opponents; or ledress the oppressive grievances of the Irish, as is hoped by its friends ; we are not disposed toadmit. Both parlies view the subject through a talae medium, aud iu lights that distort and exaggerate the object of contemplation. The cry lor Repeal is the result of British oppression. Let Ireland have equal and even handed justice ; aad she would cleave to the Union with as much heartiness as she now clamours for its abro- gation. " oilL CHAl^ R." BOK." Our quarterly subsci ibers will hear in mind that the quarter euds with the present number. " Local Statistics, Mortality, No. II." in our next " The White Kose," by C. B. is accepted, aud shall appear in an early number. S. X. is informed that we da not profess to review liooks ; though we shall not bind ourselves by a rule lor the absolute exclusion of all reviews. A second portion of " The Miseries, Misfortunes, Mishaps, and. Misadventures, of a Short- sighted lvlau," is iu type ; and is unavoidably deterred until our next number. EVENING MUSINGS. Oh ! sweet at eve it is to stand High on some beetling crag, and mark the sun Setting in grandeur o'er the smiling land ; Finish'd his course, his journey run: And when nature ' gins to wear her livery dun, And all creation seems at rest, To watch the eastern sky. and view the moon " Rising sublimely in her silvery vest:" Oh ! then what rapture fills the good man's breast. Then, as he views the ample vault of night, And sees the planets in their orbits roll. His aspirations rise.—'* Thou scource of light," He says, joy in his eye, and rapture in his soul; " In wisdom hast thou made them all; All nature bends beneith thine awful throne; E'en things inanimate obsequious fall; And shall mortal man, and he alone, Refuse thy glorious name to own ? Shall he, poor worthless child of dust. By ignorance and sophistry misled, Thee defy, thou holy, wise, and just. And in rebellion lift his puny head, Nor thy just vengeance dread ? Shall man refuse thee homage, mighty God ! Who art adored by heaven's unnumber'd host; Whom seraphs praise, and from whose bright abode Th' unceasing cry is heard, * the Lord is good.' *' Father Almighty, deign to be my guide; From truth's fair paths, oh ! never let me stray. Save me from error, ignorance, and pride; Let sin ne'er o'er mv bosom hold her sway: But lead me in Religion's narrow way. Oh ! thou that hear'st the ravens cry, And fill'st the lions with their wonted prey, Bend from thy starry throne on high, And to my humble fervent prayer be nigh." Halifax, August 12,1843. J. T r. SELECTED. SONNET TO A STREAM. BY CHARLES BLOOM PI ELD. The following sonnet was written by the eldest son of the celebrated author of " the Farmer's Boy," who received this agreeable specimen of his son's poetical talent, only just before his own intellectual spaik was extinguished. He ex- pressed himself highly gratified, and shed a few sympathetic tears. In a few days after, his reason became obscure ; and in less than three weeks he died. Still rippling onwhether » the wintry'sky Frowns in reflection from thy crystal bed, And the drear landscape nakedly is spread In sullen bleakness to the weary eye :— Or when, as now, skimm'd by the darting fiy, ' Mid the o'er- arching shade of full- robed trees, That wave their proud heads in the summer breeze — Or at the evening hour, when light winds die Into the midnight stillness, and the moon Upon thy margin throws her glittering beam ; Thy silvery current still, with murmuring Bound, Unsullied flows; or if disturbed, as soon To purity returns ; a beauteous stream,— An unexhausted strearia, through all the seasons round. scraps and pickings. The Tory papers inform us that the Hon. Mr. Trevor, M. P. has written to some friend, that " Wales not at all disturbed. There are the llebecea riots— otherwise the principality never was so quiet," MODEST ASSURANCE.— The Standard, in speaking of the. Durham election, says, " We do not hesitate to say, that if the conservatives, constituting, as they do, nine- tenths of tbe nobility, gentry, and middle cl isses of the country, were to leave tbe practice of bribery wholly in tbe hands of their adversaries, the latter would not return 10 per cent, of the represent- atives of Great Britain, instead of returning as they do 41) per cent." DISSOLUTIONS, AND NO MISTAKE.— It is advertised in a Belfast paper, that—" The partnership which has been carried on, in the county of Antrim, between the undersigned Hugh Halliday Bannay and the late Robert Halliday, merchants, has been this day dissolved by mutual consent." A WISE VERDICT.— At the Hertford assizes, a ser- vant girl, who had put a quantity of oxalic acid in her mistress's tea- pot, was found " guilty of administer- ing the poison, but NOT with intent to murder I" DRY OR WET SUMMER.— An old proverb says— when tbe oak puts out its leaf before tbe ash, a dry summer may be expected, and vice versa. This proverb has been much talked ovei of late, and it was remarked that the oak universally preceded tbe ash this year. PUNCH'S PARLIAMENT.— A SCENE IN THE PEERS — Lord Campbell was beginning to address the house when— Lord Brougham interfered.— A noble Lord thought that it would be as well to hear what Lord Campbell bad to say.— Lord Brougham did not care what any one thought. — Lord Campbell : Why, you have spoken twice already.— Lord Brougham : Well! and how many times would you have spoken if you could ? Lord Wharncliffe : Tnere is nothing before the bouse, and this is irregular. Lord Brougham : What's irregular ? I know I'm regularly interrupted whenever I get up ; and if there's no motion, what's that to me ? It's for the noble Lord himself who complains to propose one. Lord Campbell : I rose for the purpose— Lord Brougham : Of course you did ; but any purpose may be no purpose— Lord Campbell: Really I must appeal to tbe noble Lord on tile woolsack, whether— Lord Brougham : Who prevents you troui appealing to the woolsack ? I can do tbat myself, if tiiaL's u. l.— Lord Campbell; I really have renson to complain of tbe very gross and extraordinary conduct— Lord Brougham : Why you've complained three times already. If vo"' re going to speak again, you had better let us have something in tbe shape of a motion— The Lord Chancellor: If the noble Lord ( Campbell) has H motion to submit, he is quite in order ; but if not, I think bis proceeding to make any further observa- tion would be irregular.— The DHke of Wellington : I have listened to this conversation with some atten- tion, and I do not think— giving my opinion as an old member of this house— that there is much to be gained by it.— Lord Campbell : I was only going to say— Lord Brougham : But you can't say it. Make vonr motion. Lord Campbell then moved that the house adjourn, which was carried, and their Lordships broke up.— Punch. AN IGNORANT VAGABOND.— It frequently happens that the individuals who have to perform tbe neces- sary and sometimes exciting duty of tracing out the minute history of grave delinquencies, fall upon little incidents and traits of character that are not a little amusing. A curious anecdote, somewhat illustrative of the manners and mode of life amongst the more highly initiated in the art of irregular appropriation, has transpired in the course of the inquiry in the case of Anderson, now pending before tbe magistrates of this town. One of the most celebrated associates of tbe gang of adepts with which Anderson has been connected, is known by the designation of " Dashing Jemmy Grant," and a very showy smart fellow be is, if all accounts may be credited. The head quarters of Dashing Jemmy are in London, but be occasionally, when business requires, takes an airing in the provinces. Lately, when in Liver- pool, he went to the Adelphi, and ordered dinner. Tbe waiter produced the bill of fare, in which were set forth that goodly choice of substantial and de- licacies for which the excellent hotel alluded to is so famous. Dashing Jemmy was expected to point out the viands of which he intended to partake; but, alas ! varied as were his accomplishments, reading and writing formed no portion of his ac- quirements, hut as be did not lack a most gentle- manly appearance, he, without hesitation, pointed out two dishes, which he desired to be served up. The waiter stared, and asked him if be preferred those to the other dishes named in the bill of fare. Dashing Jemmy, believing be had ordered something very rare and expensive, and as he had entered the hotel with the determination of, as he termed it, " cutting a swell," said it was a dinner he was much accustomed to. The waiter took his order, as in duty bound, and Jemmy waited impatiently for tbe dainties of which lie was to partake. In due time the dinner was dished, but what was Jemmy's astonishment when the covers were removed, to find that he was supplied with pudding and cabbage.— Liverpool paper. INTERESTING LITERARY' DISCOVERY. — About three years ago we had the pleasure to announce to the politic that our highly distinguished and esteemed townsman, Professor Lee, had discovered the celebrated lost work by Eusebius, Bishop or Cesarea, entitled " The Theopania, or Divine manifestation of our Lord." No copy of the Greek original is extant, but a Syriac translation was discovered by Dr. Lee among some Coptic manuscripts which Mr. Tattam, of Bedford, brought from Egypt, and submitted to the Professor. The three years since the Syriac manuscript has been in our learned townsman's hands, have been sedulously employed, in addition to his ordinary duties, in, 1st. Transcribing the Syriac manuscript with his own hand; 2ndly. In publishing it and correcting it for the press; 3rdly. In trans- lating it into English ; and, 4thly. In publishing bis translation, to which he has affixed a preliminary Dissertation:— Part 1. " On certain Opinions of Eusebius." Part 2. " Introductory Remarks on the Views of Eusebius, on Prophecy." Part 3. " On the Personal Reign of Christ on Earth.'' Part 4. On the Restoration of the Jews." The present work of Eusebius argues from natural religion against both Atheists and Polytheists, in tbe manner of Paley's Theology.— Shrewsbury Chronicle. A novel mode of advertising for a wife has been adopted by an inhabitant of Banbury, Oxfordshire. A Daguerrotype portrait of the gentleman is placed in a shop, with the following notice underneath :— " Wanted, a female companion to the above . apply within." CASTOR AND POLLUX.— One of the leading counsel on the Home Circuit, being unable, the other day, to find his hat in the rohing- room at Westminster Hall, exclaimed that he bad lost his castor. " Then take Pollock's" ( which happened to ne lying near), was the apt and ready rejoinder of Sir Win. Follett. GRANDILOQUENCE.— A FLOWERSHOW.— On look- ing around, it was difficult to determine where tbe mind should rest; on the imposing orange tree, or tbe humble asparagus ; on the full- spreading gera- nium, or the modest pansey ; on the flower- drooping fuschia ; or tbe broad- petalled tulip. For here we had rhubarb like the trunk, and asparagus like the shoots, of the plaintain ; new potatoes like winter kidneys; salads and lettuces like cabbages; aud strawberries, pine apples, and grapes that only tantalized the palate while the eye was luxuriating on their tusciousness.— Cheltenham Chronicle. THE FIRST UMBRELLA SEEN IN DRIFFIELD.— The first umbrella seen in Driffield was introduced aoout fifty years ago, by the late Mr. John Horslev, who, being at Hull, and seeing some of these " new- fangled" and then much ridiculed articles, purchased one for Ins daughters. As may be expected, tbe curious machine was quite " a nine days' wonder" in Driffield, and numbers of people went to view tbe contrivance with as much astonishment as, in these go- a- head days of improvement and invention, we look upon the flying machine.— Hull Advertiser. D r . Clanny says, that a solution of five ounces of muriate of ammonia, in one gallon of water, will instnutly extinguish a large tire. 154 THE HALIFAX FREE PRESS. spirit of the journals. THE DEBATES ON IRELAND—" One man may steal a horse while another may not look over hedge," savs the proverb ; but Lord Roden thinks it extre- mely hard that certain folks in Ireland are not suf- fered to steal a horse, while certain others are, in great numbers, permitted to look over tbe hedge. He arg- ies that equity, in this case, requires either the repeal of tbe laws against horse- stealing, or tbe passing of an enactment against looking over hedges. Is it fair that tbe Catholics should meet according to law, and that tbe Protestants should not meet in vie lation of the law ? Some Protestants, seeing the Catholics do what is not illegal, sigh to do what is illegal, and prny either for the abolition of the pro- hibitions, or tbe extension of them to the now legal proceedings of the Catholics. There is a good notion of equal justice in this ; the terms claimed by the Protestants being like those described in tbe Irish song, in the quarrels of tbe husband and wife :•— " They managed their quarrels with such mutuality, If she held up her fist why he knocked her down flat." As tbe Catholics hold up their fists in repeal meetings, the Protestants crave leave to knock them down flat in processions. The Conservative Lords are full of admiration of the virtue of men who greatly desire to break the law, and who nevertheless don't; and Lord Brougham declares that an example of any thing so perfect was never before exhibited. What makes tbe forbearance tbe more extraordinary is, that it is practised notwithstanding that tbe Catholics do all that they want to do, not only without breaking the Jaw, but without wishing to break it. It is clear, then, that the majority and minority are not on equal terms ; the latter not being allowed to marshal them- selves for riot, while the others are permitted to as- semble, without tumult or violence, for purposes not illegal — Examiner. SIR ROBERT PEEL'S SLIDING SCALE.— In the course of a discussion on the present corn- law, a few months ago, Sir Robert Peel remarked, that prices had fluctuated less under its operation than under the old law ; which was no doubt true, so far as regarded the short period which had then elapsed from the passing of the new sliding scale, but which could hardly be said with equal truth now. At the time when the premier was taking credit to himself for having deviled a measure u hich was likely to secure steadiness of price, the averages, for several months, had not fluctuated more than 5s, or 6s. per quarter : since then, however, they have gradually risen nearly 10s. a quarter, while the actual advance in the price of good wheat during the same period has been from 15s. to 20s. per quarter. At Nottingham, last Satur- day, prices ranged from 57s. to 64s.; which is at least 15s. above what tbey were a few weeks ago ; and, should the weather continue in its present un- settled state, they will, in all probability, continue to rise for several weeks longer, not merely in spite of Sir Robert Peel's sliding scale, but in consequence of that measure. Had our ports been open to the ad- mission of foreign grain for the last twelve months, we should not have been, as we now are, placed at tbe mercy of the corn speculators, for our supplies of grain. The trade in wheat and other kinds of grain, like the trade in any other commodity, would have been carried on in a steady and regular manner, to tbe profit of those embarked in it, and to the benefit of the whole community; whereas, under the operation of the sliding scale, we are already placed on short allowance, because the supply of wheat in the country is said to be deficient, although 3,0( 0,000 quarters of foreign grain and flour have been brought into consumption during the last twelve months ; and because, notwithstanding the rise in tbe price of wheat, there is still a dutv of 20s. per quarter on foreign wheat imported. One advantage, however, will result from tbe present advance in the price of wheat. If anything were wanting to convince tbe farmers of the decidedly mischievous character of tbe present corn- law, it will now be furnished by the working of the averages. Under that sliding scale which was devised for their protection, most of them sold their wheat at from 42s. to 48s per quarter. Now, when hardly one of thern has a single bushel of grain to sell, they see prices rapidly mounting up to 20s. above what they could obtain, but with a toler able certainty that, by the time they have their next crop ready to bring to market, prices will have fallen as low as they were last autumn. Such is the mode in which Sir Robert Peel's sliding scale has hitherto protected the farmer, and so will it ever be till tbe delusive system of protection is fairly abolished.— Manchester Guardian. SIR ROBERT PEEL'S OPINIONS ON IRISH QUES- TIONS.— In the Houseof Commons, Mr. D'lsraeli has very ably exposed tbe inconsistencies and the imbecility of Sir Robert Peel's administration, fie complains, not without reason as a Tory, that Sir Robert, from the moment that he obtained office, changed his course as to Ireland, arid left his old followers adrift. The Premier's first act was the appointment, to the Secretaryship of Ireland, of the nobleman who had left bis party to oppose him on the main questions relating to Ireland, on which Sir Robert had made his stand against the Melbourne government. This, as Mr. D'lsraeii observes, v, as tbe most unequivocal confession of error It was as if, the Tors ministry being defeated on the corn question, Lord John Russell should, on forming his administration, appoint tbe Duke of Richmond his President of the Board of Trade. Opinions, with Sir Robert Peel, are, however, but words for certain purposes. His opinions in opposition were no more opinions formed to be acted on, than the Jew's razors, in tbe epigram, were made to cut; tbey being only made to sell. Sir Robert's opinions on Irish questions were shaped with no other view than to turn out his rivals; and, that end accomplished, he flings them away as quickly as possible ; for he acts on the maxim of Jonathan Wild, never to do any unnecessary mischief, as mischief is too precious a thing to be wasted ; and further, be delights in showing that, in possession ( if the object of his desires, he is not the troublesome, dangerous man that he is in tbe pursuit of it. Sir Robert Peel has, indeed, one quality in common with Old Nick himself, that be is not so bad when he is pleased ; and the Sir Robert in the government is quite a different being from Sir Robert the obstructive, in opposition. He would, indeed, seem anxious to lead the minds of people to this reflection :—" How well it is that this man is in power; for, when be is seeking it, how unscrupulous is he in bis modes of combating bis rivals, bow remorselessly be sacrifices public interests to the object of bis ambition, bow frrndently he takes up principles and opinions which he knows in his heart to be false and injurious, to embarrass and defeat his opponents ; careless of any consequences, so that he may open the road for his own triumph ; but, the end attained, he renounces the bad arts by which he laboured for it, he becomes comparatively honest, he casts from him bis old disguises and pretences, and adopts the very truths against which he had before raised the levy en masse of prejudices." And there is nothing reallv singular in this ; it is, after all, low life in high station ; for bow many a petty rogue would be honest, if he could but get what be wants to make a new start with ! Scott, so skilled in nature, makes his Dirk Hatterick look forward to a quiet, neat home, with a hlooming garden, in which be hoped to enjoy ease and a good repute, when an independence should have at once rewarded and closed bis villainous vocation. What cares Sir Robert Peel now for the disfranchisement of Irish electors and tbe misrule of corporations ? Those were the steps in tbe scaling ladder, which he no longer wants, and kicks down, now that tbe breach is gained and tbe works carried. * * * But, after all, are we not requiring im- possibilities of Sir Robert Peel, in calling upon him for a plan of policy for tbe government ot Ireland ? Having just dropped one set of opinions, how ran he be supposed to be already provided with another ? All creatures are in a torpid state when shedding their skins, and ministers may be so when shedding their principles. Some, new ones may shoot in time, but at present Sir Robert is in tbe other process. It has been said that ministers have no confidence in any- thing or any body,— no confidence even in themselves ; but this is a mistake. They have confidence in one man,— tbey have confidence in Mr. O'Connell. This sentiment explains all that they are doing and not doing. They have confidence in Mr. O'Connell's hold of tbe people of Ireland, and confidence in his prudence and ability to restrain tbe people from violence. They have confidence in Mr. O'Connell as the bul vark between them and rebellion. They have confidence in him as tbe Viceroy de facto, who permits the forms and seemirigs of government to remain in their bands. They plant garrisons of troops and police over the country, but their real trust they place in the sway and caution of O'Connell. Were the people to break loose from his command, ministers would he in a panic, and calling for powers to enable them to keep the peace no longer kept for them by the O'Connell in whom only tbey confide. If Mr. O'Connell were suddenly to betaken from tbe control of the agitation he has created, the confidence tbey have had in him would also appear in the new measures to which they would be driven to prevent revolt under the many reckless demagogues who would start up to scramble for the popularity and power, without any share in tbe prudence, of the former leader. At the close of his speech on Wednesday, Sir Robert Peel, indeed, had the hardy contempt of truth to declare that " tbe government felt strong to the support of the people of Ireland." So notorious an untruth as tiii3 exemplifies pretty strongly tbe sort of pretences which the Premier will deal in to dispel alarm. Sir Robert has about as much reliance on tbe support of the people of Ireland, as be has belief in the fitness of his Income Tax and the success of his Tariff- Whatever strength be feels with respect to Ireland is derived from the strength wielded by O'Connell to keep tbe people within the bounds of the law ; and so long as the great Agitator possesses and exercises that restraining power, Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington will be enabled to say,—" Mark tbe success of our policy ;— see how we overawe tlie violent, and maintain the authority of the law." " How fine we apples swim."— Examiner. THE JOB INTENDED.— Lord Lyndhurst says it was thought extremely desirable that a permanent Presi- dent of tbe judicial Committee of the Privy Council should be appointed, that no one was better qualified for it than Lord Brougham, and that it was offered to him, but declined. Well, and what then ? The al- leged need of the new office did not cease because Lord Brougham refused to fill it; and > vhy was it not created and given to some one of the many lawyers as well qualified for it as Lord Brougham ? If the contemplated appointment was a job for a particular man, of course the idea of it was dropped when it was found for any reason unacceptable. Had it been requisite for the public service, on the refusal of one competent person it. would have been tendered to another. Lord Cottenliam is by some ot the profession thought not very much inferior to Lord Brougham in legal knowledge, judicial qualifi cations, and the conduct, in public and private, befit- ting a judge ; and a government that paid him the compliment of offering him a paltry Vice- Chancellor- ship on his descent from the woolsack, might have strained its estimate of his claims so far as to have deemed the Presidency of the Judicial Committee of the I'livy Council not exceeding them. But the truth must be, that the scheme was not to supply a public want, but to satisfy'a private one,— not to create an office to tit an exigency in the administra- tion of justice, but to fit a man lacking preferment. The Chancellor emphatically and certainly most ex- pressively added, " that he must do his noble friend the justice to say that he declined the offer." This is wbat is proverbially called " giving the devil his due." But, if it was so creditable ou the one side to decline the offer, what wns it on tbe other to m « ik e it? When . lames tbe First remarked tbe blushft and abashed air of a man be was knighting, he cried out, " Tut, man, tut, it is t who ought to be tbe most ashamed of tbe two." Lord Lyndhurst bps not carried tbe candour of bis confession so far; and though he has had a lively perception of the prare of his noble and learned friend's refusal of his improper offer, he has failed to observe that a proportionate shire of sha. ne attached to tbe milking „ f it. Had been accepted, ihe Chancellor could not bm- e slid that be did Lord Brougham any justice in stating tbe melancholy fact. But, after all, there is justice for each of these learned Lords ; for, as Lord Lyndhurst now says, " I offered, and, to do him justice, be de- clired ;" so Lord 3rotigh: rm, referring to his spurned apylic'ation for the office of Chief llarori of the Ex- chequer, in ' 34, may repay the compliment, « ml sav, " when I asked for that office, to do the Chancellor justice, he refused."-— Examiner. NEWSPAPER REPORTING AS A. POLITITAL ENGINE. •— When Jefferson expressed t: ie opinion that a free press is more essential to a country than a govern- ment, be only put iwo ideas in logical sequence — it is necessary to know what a country is and does, before you can tell how to govern it ; and, if the country itself knows what it is and iloe « , public opinion must exercise a more effec'ual rule than a governnientaeting in ignorance, The vnlne id' freedom in a press by no means consists alone in freedom of commentary. Commentary is in treat part the concentrated reflex of public opinion ; but public opinion cannot exist without information on facts as they arise ; opinion is complete, mature, and potent, in proportion as that information is copious, correct, and freely circulated. Tbe freest and most vigorous commentary, unsupported by a full state- nent of the facts ou which it rests, would h.- ive little more influence than mere book learning ard abstract reasoning. Moreover, it is inly With absolute freedom that tbe practice of giving unreserved information can obtain ; for if tbe informant has to think at every sentence whether a particular statement will pass ti e censorship, or whatever authority performs tbe function of one, sheer distaste at so irksome a task will at once teach him to reject all doubtful matters, and nothing but what is agreeable to the authorities will appear. Those who defy that rule will be parties hostile to established authority, and their information will have tbe discredit that attaches to extreme and irregular views. On the other hand, j'erfect freedom of statement tends very materially to encourage moderation, by neutralizing extreme opinions ; tbe ample reports of the London papers go along with the more decidedly coloured commentaries of the original writing ; every person of note in the country, of whatever party, has bis opinions on the whole fully and faithfully developed in each of the principal papers; so that every newspaper reader throughout the country is supplied with facts and reflections, and ample materials for opinions of his own, independently of any one section of party- politicians. In this way, the newspaper has come to perforin a very important function, impossible to be rightly performed without thorough freedom of statement; it is the " channel of information" between all classes in tbe country— it tells the country what the legislature and govern- ment are doing ; it tells tbe government and legisla- ture what tbe country is about ; it lets the rich and the poor know what is going forward beyond their own sphere. A newspaper is a political map of tbe country, as necessary to the statesman as a geogra- phical map to the general. Practically, tbe English press is the freest in tbe world; and one important result is seen in the ex- traordinary activity of its reporting department. Each of tbe chief papers has " our own correspondent'' at every commanding point in the world, and many of those correspondents are actual reporters. As soon as any remarkable series of events sets in, m any quarter of the globe, " our own correspondent" or " our own reporter " travels thither. The war in Syria bad its professional reporters; " gentlemen connected with the press " have established a per rnanent footing in India; and, if that class had no reached China during the late war, arrangementst had evidently been made which were tantamount to having " our own reporter" on the scene of every enterprise. No sooner is Spain once more under the dominion of revolution, than the spirit of the English press roves the land in every direction ; and the cockney and ale- bouse politician have a more com- prehensive and faithful vie'- v ,> f the seat i f civil war, than tbe people at Madrid or Barcelona. / V troublous enigma arists in our own country, in South Wales ; " our own reporter" is sent to solve it— and he does so. t he able arid intelligent reporti r of the Times is a good type of bis class, tie is ubi- quitous in His activity ; bis courage— and the office of a reporter sometimes needs no small share of cool courage— is unhesitating, to poke, unarmed and un- protected, into the most suspicious nooks ; and, with the practice of Ins craft strong upon him, he se. zes at once upon the essential points. Some Welsh papers, before tbe invasion of any accredited i; ep< rter, ac- cused their London co'htempuraries of defective lucil information There is nothing mora delusive tlia. i mere " local information." Persons on the spot aia not only warped by close interests in disputed mat- ters, but, from tb. it ciic'umstanci , they attach undue importance to trivial tilings, and overlook things which are really of moment, hut so familiar to them as to be matters of course. In the accounts from which we make extracts this week, tfie passing sketch of a remote dingle, the quotation of a translation into English by a Welshman— showing in its phrases at once that the translator is no " ignorant" uian, and yet that he is remarkably ignorant of the language of our rulers and laws— tiiese are traits which would have es. capeu the UJ. HI ot " local information," but which forcibly iUuslri. te material circumstances pf the distui bauce. Moreover, none but a practised baud, ct ufideni ui the ii- imc and usourtts uf a ^ re,. 5 4 THE HALIFAX FREE PRESS. London journal, would have had so much tact and boldness in pushing himself into the very heart of the riot— hevond all troops, and police, and other regular functionaries A knowledge of the actual state of the disturbed districts is of tbe utmost value. One great means which " our own reporter" had at his command con- sisted of tbe prestige attaching to newspaper publicity as an auxiliary to agitation ofanvkind— of confidence in tbe substantial honesty of respectable newspaper reports, and of faith in the writer's singleness of pur- pose. The strange gentleman was admitted solely as a newspaper reporter, where it is obvious that any other collector of information would have been avoided, or misled, if not roughly treated. This feeling it were well to encourage to the utmost, as affording tbe best facility to that full information whose advantages we have described. That object suggests a useful practice to be observed in courts of justice— to abstain from calling reporters as witnesses in crown prosecutions of a political kind. Newspaper men are admitted to all kinds of meetings, in tbe just belief that they go there for no purpose of collecting judicial " evidence"; but sometimes tliey are brought forward— as at the trials in the manufacturing districts — to prove facts which they have witnessed in their professional capacity. Were that practice to be fre quem, they would be avoided, or excluded from many a political meeting, tbe dangers of which are neutral- ized by publicity. There should be no set rule on the subject expressly exempting them from summons as witnesses; for that would at once iniest them with inconvenient immunities and responsibilities : but the conductors of crown prosecutions would do well to bear in mind, that whenever a newspaper- reporter is called as a witness, injury is done to that organ of general publicity, which is one efficient safe- guard of peace and good government.— Spectator. Sin ROBERT PEEL AND OUR EXPORT TRADE.— When Lord John Russell brought forward his late motion on tbe state of the country, and pointed to the failing- off in our export trade, which has lately been going on, as a proof that the commercial policy of the present administration was not guided by sound principles,— Sir Robert Peel imagined that he had made a sufficient reply to tbe noble lord's statement, when he quoted the increase which lias taken place in our exports during the first six months of 1843. The noble member for London had called attention to the startling fact, that our exports of cotton goods and yarn to the United States in 1842 were little more than one- third of what tliey had been on an average of tbe five previous years, and had argued that this was owing to the apathy of government, in not devising some measure to promote free com- mercial intercourse between Great Britain and America. To all this tbe premier's reply was nothing more than that the declared value of our exports of manufactured goods, during the. first six months of the present year, was greater than that of our ex ports during the first half of 1842. " Look," said the right hon. baronet, " at the declared value of our exports : in the first six months of the year 1842, our exports of cotton yarn amount ed to 58,000,0001b ; and, in tbe same period of the present year, to 62,000,0001b ; our exports of cotton thread in the first six months of last year amounted to 935,0001b, and in this year to 1,324,0001b. The export of printed calicoes in the year 1842 was 123,781,000 yards ; and, in 1843, 145,295,000 yards. As to the exportation of plain calicoes, the increase lias been enormous; for, in the first six months of the last year, there had been exported from this country 152,827,000 yards, and in the same time of the present year there bad been exported 253,318,000 yards. Can it, then, with justice be said, that the measures taken last session, either with respect to the corn- laws or the tariff, have been as fatal to tbe interests of tbe great and important branches of the manufactures of the country as was confidently predicted ?" Right well did Sir Robert Peel know, that this increase in our exports of cotton yarn and calicoes was uot in the slightest degree owing to either his new tariff or bis new sliding scale ; but his inordinate love of praise made him scruple not to ascribe the improvement tn the operation of those two measures, Lord John Russell's complaint was, that our trade with the United States and Brazil was threatened with speedy ruin, unless we showed a greater willing, ness to admit their produce in exchange for our manufactures ; and, in order to prove that the dange is not only great, but imminent, he had referred to the very large falling- off which had taken place lately iu our exports to those two countries. What answer to this complaint is it to tell us, that, during tbe first half of 1843, we have exported some 50,000,000 yards of plain calicoes to India and China above what we exported lo those two countries in tne first half of 1842 ? Anxious as the premier may be to • race every fortunate event which occurs lo his tariff and coro- law, he will surely not attribute to them the sudden termination of the Chinese war. Could he imve pointed to a similar increase in our exports to tbe United States and Brazil, the case would have been different; hut, unfortunately for his argument the balance happens to be altogether on tbe wroii side for bun Instead of showing any increase i our exports to tbe two countries we have named, the custom- house reports show that they have fallen oil considerably since last year, as maybe seen from the following statement of our exports : plain and printed Calicoes exported from Great Jintum to Brazil and the United States, during the first six months of the years 1842 and 1843: 18 42. 1843. Decrease Yds. Yds. Yds. Brazil 22,252,121 15,984.363 6,267,758 United States 14,741,978 3,247,233 11,494,745 Now we hardly think, that Sir Robert Peel could have been ignorant of tbe falling- off in our exports to Brazil and the. United States j aud, if so, it must have required no ordinary amount of assurance in to speak in laudatory terms of the corn- laws tariff for their beneficial iufluence on trade.— Manchester Guardian. misc kllamohs statistics. POPULATION.— A parliamentary paper shows, that according to the census of 1841, the popu. ation of England, Wales, and Scotland, was 18,531,853— of whom 9,012,972 were males, 9,513,985 females, and ,896 travelling by railways and canals. Tbe popu- lation for Ireland by tbe same census was 8,175,238. Tbe following is an abstract of the number of per- sons in Ireland, ascertained by the commissioners of public instruction to belong to each religious denom- nation in tbe year 1834 :— Members of the established church, 852,064 ; Roman catholics, 6,427,712 ; pres- bvterians, 642,356 ; other protestant dissenters, 21,808 ; total of abstract, 7,943,940. EXPENSE OP THE EXPEDITION TO CHINA.— A par- liamentary return shows that tiie sums paid, or to be paid, on account of the war with China, amount to ,£ 2,879,873, of which sum £' 804,964 are required to be voted in 1843— 44, as balance due to the East India Company. THE BAPTIST UNION.— It appears from the report of the Baptist Union for 1843, that the number of Baptist churches in Great Britain and Ireland is 1,677 : of these, 1,418 have reported their numbers to the Union, and they comprise 131,172 members : 1,141 report Sunday- schools containing 143,027 children. Tbe reported clear increase of members during the last year was 9,639, in 1,274 churches. REGISTERED PLACES OF WORSHIP FOR CELEBRA- TION OF MARRIAGES.— By a parliamentary return, we find that the number of places of worship in England registered for the celebration of marriages, up to the 30th June, 1842, was 1,922 ; of which, 171 were in Yorkshire, 187 in Lancashire, and 115 in Middlesex. In Cheshire there were 38 places registered. Some opinion may be formed of the commerce of the American lakes by the following statement:— One day last month there arrived at Buffalo 58 steam- boats and other vessels, all full freighted. The principal articles comprising their cargoes were 27,053 barrels of flour, 60,720 bushels of wheat, 2,268 barrels of ashes, 2,291 kegs of lard, 4,471 barrels of pork, 595 barrels of beef, 765 barrels and kegs of butter, be- sides a variety of other agricultural products. It is said, that the net revenue of the German Customs' Union, which in 1834 amounted to only 12,020,340 tiialers, increased in 1842 to 21,059,441 tbalers. ROYAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY.— In May, 1838, the society was formed with about 250 members. In December, 1838, they had increased to 600, and its income to £ 1,128. The following data indicate its progress since then :— Dec. 1839, members 2,007 income, £ 2,226 ; Dec. 1840, members 4,262- come, £ 3,598 ; Dec. 1841, members 5,382— income, £ 4,794 ; Dec. 1842, members 6,500— income for last half- year only, £ 4,540. IMPORTS AND HOME CONSUMPTION OF BRAZILIAN SUGAR AND COFFEE.— By a recent parliamentary re- turn, we find that the following were the quantities of sugar and coffee imported from Brazil, and entered for home consumption, in each of tbe last ten years:— ' Sugar Coffee. Unrefined. Imported. H. Consumptn Cwt. Years. lbs. lbs. 198,198 1833 3.349,733 493 79,135 1834 B. 316.865 445 81.348 1835 4,117.094 708 178.151 183 « 8.972,718 1,377 110,216 1837 7.807.27S 452 86.515 1838 10,373,713 978 197.510 1839 2,268.345 1,190 216,( 118 1840 8.608,616 22.625 365,663 1841 2,191,853 1,226 260,068 1842 6,833,315 47.015 It will at once strike the most casual observer, bow small a proportion the amount of coffee entered for home consumption hears lo the quantity imported This is, of course, attributable to the differential duty in favour of coffee, the growth of British possessions The amount entered for home consumption in 1842 is more than double that of any former year. Tbe amount of Brazilian sugar entered for home con sumption is merely nominal, being only 1,741 cwts in the ten years. The same cause, differential duties explains tbe minute proportion of Brazilian sugar consumed in this country of the quantity imported NEWSPAPER STATISTICS.— It appears, from a late return to parliament, that there are 138 newspapers circulated in London ; tbe yearly circulation of which amounts to 36,271,020 papers, and tbe advertisement duty amounts to £ 48,179 10s. There are 214 English country papers, the total yearly sale of which amounts to 16,857,000 ; showing that, though tbe number of journals considerably exceeds the number in London the yearly circulation does not amount to half of the circulation of those published in tbe metropolis The yearly amount of advertisement duly on the country papers is £ 49,766 18s. In Scotland there are 87 papers, nearly one- fourth of which are published in Edinburgh ; and it is worthy of remark that, not withstanding the wealth of that city, there is not one daily newspaper published there. Tbe yearly amount of ciiculation in Scotland is 1,478,940, and tbe ad vertisement duty is £ 12,595 12s. In Wales there ar 10 papers in circulation, the highest of which aver ages only 1,500 per week. The circulation ot the rest is uncertain, sometimes rising to 10,000 per month, and sometimes falling to 1,000. The total yearly circulation is 88,000, and the advertisement duty is £ 305 18s. ( id. There are 25 papers in Dub- lin, the yearly sale of which amounts to 3,366,406 papers, and the advertisement duty is £ 4,599 8s. There are 58 Irish country papers, tbe yearly circula- tion of which is 2,435,068, and 12,000 supplements. The advertisement duty amounts to £ 3,686 16s. ANECDOTES. QUICK THE ACTOR.— Quick one day passing through Broker- row, Moorfields, was seized upon by a Barker of a furniture warehouse and who without much cere- mony pulled him into the shop, and began puffing off bis tables anil chairs. Quick being old and infirm, made very little resistance, but asked tbe man if be was the master of tbe shop. " No, Sir," said the Barker, " but I will fetch him immediately." Tbe Ulan returned with bis master, to whom Quick put the same question—" Are you tbe master of the shop1 Sir?" " Yes Sir ; what can I do for you ?" " Only," replied Quick, " just hold your man a minute while I get by." JOSEPH II. EMPEROR OF GERMANY.— In one of those excursions which this Emperor freqnently^ took incog, he proceeded to Trieste. On his arrival, he went into an inn, and asked if be could be accommo- dated with a good room. He was told that a German bishop had just engaged the last; and that there were only two small rooms, without chimneys, un- occupied. He desired a supper lo be prepared, lie was told that, there was nothing left but some eggs aud vegetables, the bishop and suite having engaged all the poultry. Tbe Emperor requested that the bishop might be asked if he would allow a stranger to sup with him. Tbe bishop refused, and the Em- peror supped with one of the bishop's aln, oners, who was not admitted to his master's table. Tbe Emper- or asked him what they were going to do at Rome ? " My lord," replied the almoner, " is going to solicit a benefice of fifty thousand livres, before tbe Earner - or is informed of its being vacant." They changed the conversation. The Emperor wrote a letter to the Chancellor of Rome, and another to his ambas- sador there. He made the almoner promise to deliver both letters, agreeably to their address, on his arrival at Rome. He kept his promise— the Chancellor presented the patent for tbe benefice to tbe astonished almoner! DINING WITH A BISHOP.— Mons. Casimir Bonjour relates the following anecdote of Savary, Duke ue Rovigo :—" One day, tbe petit vicaire of a small commune in one of tbe provinces, who was the uncle of the Duchesse de Rovigo, called on tbe duke, at that time one of the ministers of Napoleon, and said to him tremblingly, ' The living of my canton is become vacant; a sudden ambition has seized me, and I am come to Paris to ask you for it.' ' A living !' said the duke. ' If you think tbe thing impossible,' replied the modest ecclesiastic, ' I abandon luy request.' ' Uncle,' said tbe duke, ' I do not say that it is impossible, but it requires reflection. What diocese do you belong to ?' ' Meaux,' said tbe uncle. ' Good, come and dine with me this evening: I expect the bishop.' ' Dine with tbe bishop !' exclaimed the uncle ; ' I, a poor pal ish priest: I fear I should not have courage.' ' It strikes me,' said the duke, ' that an uncle may ventuie to dine with his nephew. I shall expect you at five o'clock." At the hour appointed, tbe timid ecclesiastic arrived in the drawing room of the minister, where he looked in vain for his superior. In a few moments the duke said, ' Moil- seigneur does not come, and we will sit down to table. Will you lead the way, uncle?' During the whole of the dinner, tbe poor priest had his eyes on tbe door, could eat nothing, and said not a word. At last at tbe dessert, be ventured to ask whether the ( lukp had any hope that tbe bishop would come. ' Monseigneur is come,' replied the duke. ' Where is he ?' ' In the room.' ' How in the room ?' ' Yes, it is yourself. The bishopric had become vacant, of which you were not aware ; and I soliciied the emperor Ibis morning to bestow it on you, a request which was immediately granted'' " ANECDOTE OF DR. ALDRICH.— Tbe Doctor's ex- cessive love of smoking was well known to his as- sociates; but a young student of bis college finding some difficulty to bring a fellow collegian to the be- lief of it, laid him a wager that the Dean Aldrich was smoking at that time ( about ten o'clock in tbe morn- ing). Away went tbe latter to tbe deanery ; when, being admitted to tbe Dean in his study, he related tbe occasion of his visit. The Dean, instead of being disconcerted, replied in perfect good humour, " You see your friend lias lost his wager, fori am not smoking, but only tilling uiy pipe."— Nicotiana. Dr. Oidogan, dining one day at a college dinner, after discoursing most elegantly and forcibly on ab- stinence, temperance, and particularly against pie- crust and pastry, is reported to have addressed a brother M. D. in the following terms : " Pray, Doc- tor, is that a pigeon pie near you ?" " Yes, Sir." —" Then 1 will thank you to send ine the hind, quarters of two pigeons, some fal or tbe beef steak- and a good portion ot tbe puduiug- crust, and as much gravy as you can spare I" A MILITARY REPORT.— Frederic the Great asked a soldier, who had a deep cut across bis cheek, at a review;—" At what alehouse didst thou get that scratch ?"—" At Coslin, please your Majesty, where you paid tbe reckoning."— The King was beat at Coslin, in tlie war ot 1756, and in 1760 the Russians reduced tbe suburbs to ashes. No JOKE.—" Would you believe it," said one of tbe Managers of a Theatre to Liston, '" Lord D. tells me be li » s written a comedy, but I suppose he i joking ?" ' By no means,' replied Liston, ' I ass' you 1 have seen it, and there is no joke in it!" One day, Sheridan meeting two Royal Dukes walking up St. James's Street, the youngest thus flippantly addressed him :—" I say, Sherry, we have just been discussing whether you are a greater/ oo/ or rogue; what is yourown opinion, my boy?" Sheri- dan having bowed and sir iled at tbe compliment, took each of them by the arm, and instantly replied, —" Why, ' faith, I believe I am between both." was ure HALIFAX:— Printed and Sold, at the General Printing Office of H. Martin, Upper George Yard
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