APRIL 29, 1843. No. XXXV. Price One Penny, And now the time in special is, by privilege, to write and speak what may help to the further discussing of matters in agitation. The Temple of Janus, with his tw0 controversal faces, might now not unsignificantly be set open : and though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in the field, we do injuriously, by licensing and prohibiting, to misdoubt her strength. Let her and falsehood grapple. Who ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter. Iler confuting is the best and surest suppressing.— MILTON'S AREOPAGITICA. ADVERTISEMENT. GENTLEMEN'S BEST LONDON BRAVER HATS— J. ECKERSLEY respectfully invites the attention of Gentlemen to his superb Stock of Best Beaver Hats, ( just received from Three of the most eminent Houses in London,) which for lightness, durability, and colour in particular, stand quite unrivalled. Cash Price, 21s.; Beautiful Stuff Hats, from 12s. tol6x. S the Rich French Velvet Naps, on stuff Bodies, from 10s. to 15s.; Gossamer, and other Hats equally cheap. 25, Crown Street, Halifax, opposite the Upper George Inn. THE NINE WISHES, OR THE NEAPOLITAN COURTSHIP. CHAPTER IV. Lovers' wishes ' and lovers' gifts. Wilhelmina's next task, she having still possession of the stone, was one on which she had decided, in consequence of the scene of the day before ; and she resolved to perform it in a more complete manner than her first essay. So, taking the talisman in her hand, she said,—" I wish the Baron may become the sweetest tempered man that ever lived ; forgetful of injuries, and not at all passionate." After making this aspiration, she naturally awaited the arrival of her lover, with more than usual im- patience ; longing to see how the charm would work. Great, therefore, was her delight at hearing the voice of the Baron, in the ante- room, addressing Tom Blunt in a calm and almost penitential strain. It was impossible to avoid listening, as he said,— " I am very great fool yesterday, Monsieur Tom- blone. You good fellow. Tink you do some good for Mademoiselle. You vill find me de friend more as if noting had happened to disarrange us." What Tom replied more than a grunting " Humph !" was inaudible ; and, in a few seconds, the Baron was in the presence of the lady. " Ah ! mon ange," he exclaimed, springing for- ward to salute her. " So beautiful as never '. Ah 1 Vot yon look like some meaning ? I suspect— yes, it is. You have vished me vish. Veil 1 I not know vot he is ; but I ain so very pleasant and agreeable as I surprized myself. Veil! I tell you, toder day, I turn out ten, twenty, fifty coats in my box. I go put him back, dis morning ; and I find dis leetle case of maroc leder, vich I forget I have vid me. Take him, mon ange! See if you like de pearl vot cost great many tousand frt nc, but vos like so many negro in your neck. ' Tis de bagatelle entre no? s." While speaking, he had opened the casket, and displayed to appearance an extremely costly pearl necklace. Then, kneeling before the enraptured Wilhelmina, he gallantly threw it over her head, and received his reward in a very affectionate salute and many expressions of gratitude. An explanation respecting the nature of her morning wish followed ; and the rest of the day passed off as usual, till the Baron, when taking leave at night, was reminded, by his Dulcinea, that it was his turn to take the stone, and wish something for her. " Veil!" said he, carelessly, " you have got all vot I vant; and I only vant all vot you have got. I not can do better dan follow your example So, neverless, as you have de temper like some honey, I vill vish you some more of it; for ve can't have too much of de generosity." " Can any body have told him that I have a bad temper and am stingy?" thought Miss Jones; and she mused upon the bare possibility of his harbouring such a Suspicion ; and the consequence of her musing was a determination of sporting her sweetest smiles and showing her generosity, on the morrow. " What will it signify ?" thought she. " It can be of no importance, in a few days, whether the chain be his or mine; but, indeed, it is of English make, and much heavier than ladies here wear. I was offered twenty guineas for it by a London jeweller ; so it is worth his acceptance, and he wears his eye- glass with a ribbon. It is long enough, too, I know ; because I lent it to voting Peter Smith, before he came of age, when I thought he seemed to have taken a liking lo me. Ah ! How I should like to see him and all the rest of the Smiths, when they hear that I'm a Baroness. How they'd bite their lips'." Accordingly, the next morning, the chain, which had belonged to her father, was presented, as a love- token, to the enraptured Baron ; and never did any couple appear more sweetly disposed towards each other than did our lovers, during the day ; but the sun stayeth not his course for happy lovers ; so night came again, and they parted ; and Wilhelmina was left in possession of the wonderful stone. " What have I to wish for ?" thought she. " The Baron has rank and wealth ; but, if he had not, it would be of no use to wish him more money, because I suppose that all the money in the world must belong to somebody. Well! If we could but be always as we are! Yes! That's it. I will wish that the Baron's affection toward me may never decrease." Such was her last thought at night, and the first wish that recurred to her, on waking in the morning, when she immediately pronounced it with fitting emphasis. " Very veil!" said the Baron, when informed of its import; " dere is not no fear as your vish come to pass ; for I never can love you de bit less as now ;" and his devoted attention to her, during the whole of that day, was perfectly satisfactory. Towards night, however, they had, for the first time, something like a difference of opinion. Wil- helmina, on presenting him with the magic stone, requested him to wish that her eyes might be changed from an indifferent sort of gray to black ; but to this proposal he demurred, observing that he did not think it would improve her. On being further pressed, he added,—" Mais, mon ange, you are now so beautiful as possible, and de old voman say as vot is done must not come back." The lady, however, had set her mind upon a pair of jetty sparklers; and persisted, until Monsieur gave up the point, and agreed to utter the wish ;— though he said he was confident that, according to the old woman's terms, it would not be granted ; and, on taking leave, he added, " Veil ! never mind. Ven ve meet in de morning, if dere is no shange, I vish soineting else for you betterer." Wilhelmiua awoke early the next morning, and many times arose anxiously to consult her mirror, and watch for the desired metamorphosis; but her eyes provokingly maintained their ancient hue, arid even, she thought, looked duller than usual. Still she comforted herself by imagining that her dear Baron might be yet sleeping, till her usual hour for dressing had nearly expired. " Then, I suppose it can't be," she sighed. " ' Well! Now I come to think of it, if he is satisfied with me, why should I not be so too ? Heigho ! What gown shall I wear to- day ? What a nasty, rickety, old wardrobe this is !— Ah !" A scream that sufficed to alarm the household followed; and when the domestics hurried to her assistance, she was found endeavouring to extricate herself from beneath the aforesaid rickety old piece of furniture, which had fallen forward upon her. It soon appeared that she had escaped with a few bruises; but those were of such an unseemly kind, that she thought fit to put on her bonnet and veil at once, and to make some change in the arrangement of her hair. In due course the Barsn arrived ; and almost the first question she put to him was,—" Pray, tell me what wish you expressed for me this morning." " Vy, vot I promise," replied the Baron; " but I know dey not come. I vish you a pair of black eyes." " Here they are, then, sure enough !" exclaimed Miss Jones, throwing aside her veil and tresses, and exhibiting a pair of " glims " as scientifically coloured round as though she had been under the hands of a regular prize- fighter. " I shall not be fit to be seen for this month." The Baron professed himself to be " an desespoir," and so forth ; and endeavoured to console her by renewed protestations of affection. " ' Tis all de same to ine," said be, " if you have twenty black eye ; you vos very veil tomorrow. But I not like dis sheet vid de old votnan. It put me in de mind vid Shaky- speare, ven de veetches sheeted Macbet. He say,— ' Confound de vemmen ! Dey vos paltry vid us, and has got de double senses.' Eh '. you remember, mon ange ?" Wilhelmina was either soothed into good humour by his attentions, or could not helo smiling at the stvle of this quotation ; but it sufficed that she did smile, and Monsieur was suddenly relieved from his " descspoir." " Ah !" he exclaimed, " Dat Shaky'sneare vonder- ful autoi,— very nice ! Venever I quoted him, some- body laugh. But never mind. De black veil vil shut up de black eye. Nobody see vot is in him. Allons ! It makes five lime ; and dere is von sheep vot come all de vay from Angleterre, swimming in de bay. You vill hear de news, perhaps, and get de letter." ( To be Continued.) In the report of the commissioners appointed to inquire into the excise revenues, & c. in 1835- 6, it was stated, that the consumption of tobacco in the United Kingdom was 50 millions of pounds annually, while the amount on which duty was paid was only 22 millions of pounds weight. LOOKING GLASSES — The Hindoo women wear a small mirror in a ring,— the chury. Sir William Jones calls it. We have them in pocket- books; and the ladies at Antwerp had them set in prayer- books, for the purpose of what old Latimer calls " prinking and pranking" at mass. There was, however, a degree of modesty in concealing the mirrors. A few generations earlier it was the fashion to wear them pendent from the waist,— a fashion alluded to by Tasso, in his picture of Rinaldo. Lope de Vega curses the inventor of looking glasses ; but he goes on to say that, if Venetian mirrors had not been in- vented, water would have been applied to the same purpose. Francisco Botello, a Spanish poet, makes a beautiful use of the looking- glass, in his Alphonso Cydipe is contemplating herself in one ; and, by the agency of Venus, the living portraiture is rendered permanent in the mirror. Mr. Gisborne, in addressing the electors of Nottingham on the subject of the corn- laws, said he could hardly dispose of his agricultural produce. When he made a bullock fat, he wanted somebody to eat it. " Send it to Nottingham," exclaimed a wag of a weaver, producing a roar of laughter. " Aye," rejoined Mr. Gisborne, " but when I send it to Notingham, I shall want to be paid for it " Mrs. Moody was a very nice person for temper, though she sometimes used to blow Mr. Moody up.— A Maid Servant's Evidence ot York Assizes. A Gascon preacher stopped short in his pulpit ; it was in vain that he scratched his head, nothing would come out. " My friends," said he, as he walked quietly down the pulpit stairs, " I pity you, for you Rave lost a fine discourse." • , 137 THE HALIFAX FREE PRESS. NATIONAL EDUCATION. LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTIONS. 1st,— That in any bill for the promotion of educa- tion in Great Britain, by which a board shall be authorized to levy, or cause to be levied, parochial rates for the erection and maintenance of schools, provision ought to be made for the adequate repre- sentation of the ratepayers in such boards. 2d,— That the chairman of such board ought to be elected by the board itself. 3d,— That the Holy Scriptures, in the authorized version, should be taught in all schools established by any such board. 4tb,— That special provision should be made for cases in which Roman Catholic Priests may object to the instruction of their children in the Holy Scrip- tures, in such schools. 5th, That no other books of religious instruction should be used in snch schools, unless with the sanc- tion of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the concurrence of the Committee of Privy Council for Education. 6th,— That, in order to prevent the disqualification of competent schoolmasters, books of religious in- struction other than the Holy Bible introduced into the schools should be taught by the clergyman of the parish, or some person appointed by him, to tbe children of parents who belong to tbe established church, or who may be desirous that their children should be so instructed. 7th,— That all children taught in such schools should have free liberty to resort to any Sunday school or any place of religious worship which their parents may approve. 8th,— That any school connected with the National Society, or the British and Foreign School Society, or any Protestant Dissenters' School, or any Roman Catholic School, which shall be found, upon inspec- tion, to be efficiently conducted, should lie entitled, by license of tbe privv council, to grant certificates of school attendance for the purpose of the employ- ment in factories of children and young persous 9th,— That, iti the opinion of this house, the com- mittee of privy council for education ought to be furnished with the means to enable tlietn to establish and maintain a sufficient number of training and model schools in Great Britain. 10th,— That the said committee ought likewise to be enabled to grant gratuities to deserving school- masters, and to afford such aid to schools established by voluntary contributions, as may tend to the more complete instruction of the people in religious and secular knowledge, while, at thesame time, tbe rights of conscience may be respected. We yesterday promised ( says the Morning Adver- tiser) to prove to the satisfaction of all unprejudiced persons, that though the resolutions of Lord John Russell are seemingly more favourable to Dissenters than the Factory Bill of the Home Secretary, they are, in reality, every whit as objectionable; and ttiat they will, if embodied in an act of the legislature, as surely in the end annihilate Dissent as the Puseyite " ingenious device" to which Government have ex tended their special patronage, and which they mean, if in their power, to transform into one of the laws of the land. We proceed to redeem our promise. The very first of the series ought to be regarded as fatal to all the rest. It is to the effect, that in the Board propo- sed by the Bill of tbe Home Secretary, " provision ought to be made for an adequate representation of the rate payers of the parish." This, to be sure, sounds excellently well; but let tbe words be nar- rowly examined, and it will be found that they are so vague and indefinite as to be capable of anyconstruc tion, or no construction at all. The Whig Lord leaves us in utter darkness as to what his views of adequate representation are. What he may deem adequate representation, the Dissenters may deem no representation. The Church party will, doubtless be adequately represented in the contemplated board but the question is, will the Dissenters be also ade quately represented ? We hold it to be as capable of demonstration as any proposition in Euclid, that in the vast majority of cases the Dissenting community will not be represented at all in the proposed boards and that in the very few cases were they will be re presented, the represeutntion will be exceedingly partial, and only of temporary duration. We are assuming that the Noble Lord, and it is the most favourable assumption we can make for him, with any probability of its being borne out by the event we are, we say, assuming, that he contemplates vesting tbe right of electing the board in the hands of the rate- payers. Well, then, what would be the re suit? What, in such a case, would be the complex ion of the board ? Why, in all the less densely populated districts, every member would be a Church man. And in only a very few cases, in the populou towns, and after a desperate struggle would the Dis senters succeed in obtaining a majority. Nor is this all— such majority when obtained would run tbe risk of being converted into a minority at the next electi n. Perhaps we shall be asked on what grounds we rest this assumption ? We rest it on the grounds of experience and facts. The issue of tbe struggles which are ever and anon taking place in all parts of the country between the Dissenters and the Church men, when a church rate is to be levied, furnishes an unerring clue to what the result would be were the Dissenters and Churchmen pitted against each other in the election of the contemplated board. In how very few cases— perhaps not in one out of fifty— do the Dissenters succeed in preventing the imposition of a church- rate ? It is because they so rarely suc- ceed that they so seldom make the attempt And even where, by a concurrence of favourable circum- stances, they do achieve a triumph, it is only for a brief season. Tbe next election almost invariably converts their triumph into defeat. In the supposed case, the chance of Dissenters succeeding in obtaining a majority in tbe board, would be still less than when opposing the imposition of a church rate; because those persons of no reli- gion, who usually side with them in the struggle against church- rates, would not, when tbe contest conies to be between two classes of Christians, and the point at issue is purely religious, take any interest in the matter. We maintain, therefore, that it is clear to demon- stration that, in scarcely any instance— certainly not in one out of every fifty— would the Dissenters be able to return such a proportion of tbe members of the proposed board as would insure them any repre- sentation at all, far less the adequate representation which Lord John Russell's first resolution professes to secure That resolution palters in a douMe. sense : it holds the word of promise to the ear, but would most certainly break it to the hope. The fifth resolution wears an ugly aspect. It is, that no other books of religious instruction, except tbe Bible, should be used in the schools, unless with the sanction of the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and the concurrence of the Privy Council of Education. This is virtually handing over the whole of the proposed schools by one stroke of the Liberal Lord's pen, to tbe exclusive custody and control of the Chruch, supposing that object not to be achieved by the constitution of the board. No religious book being allowed to be used in the schools which lias not received the sanction of their two Graces, it can hardly be necessary to say, that whatever religious books found their way into the schools would be prelatic to the back bone. The concluding clause of the resolution requiring the concurrence of the Com- mittee of Privy Council on Education is the veriest trifling on the part of the Noble Lord ; if, indeed, it be not offering a gratuitous insult to the Dissenting community. Does Lord John himself believe that this Committee of Privy Council would, in any in- stance, put their veto on a book which had been sanctioned by the two Archbishops ? He knows— be must know as well as we do— that they would not. It is true, that, in tbe subsequent resolution, Lord John Russell proposes " that in order to prevent tbe disqualification of co/ npetent schoolmasters on reli- gious grounds, the books of religious instruction, other than the holy Bible, introduced into tlieschnols, should be taughtapart by the clergyman of tbe parish, or some person appointed by him, to the children of Protestants who belong to the Established Church, and who may be desirous that their children should be so instructed." Yes ; but then what a cumbrous and unsightly sort of machinery would this he, even supposing the as- sumption contained in the resolution were correct, namely, that Dissenting teachers would be appointed to such schools. Would it not lie subjecting them to daily degradation, to see the parochial clergyman, or his nominee, coming into tbe school to instruct tbe children in a particular description of divinity ? Does any one suppose— does Lord John suppose— that the clergyman or bis deputy ( in the great majority of cases a Puseyite) could appreciate or respect the conscientious scruples of the teacher which prevented his poisoning the minds of the scholars with Puseyite theology? But the supposition that any Dissenting teacher would ever find his way into these schools, constituted as we have already proved the board would be, is one of the most unreasonable which any man ever entertained,— so unreasonable, indeed, that one cannot believe that any man does or can enter- tain it. But this is not all. Mark the insult which the Noble Lord offers to the Dissenting community in the clause in question. He makes ample provision for the scholars whose parents may wish to learn Church of Englandism, by providing them with as many re- ligious books as their G'aces of Canterbury and York may please to allow them ; but no provision whatever is made for the children of Dissenting parents ob taining the religious instruction which these parents would wish their offspring to receive. Lord John practically says to the children of Dissenters, " You shall not lie compelled to receive tbe religious instruc tion imparted by church books, but then if you do not choose to take that, you shall have no religious instruction at all." In other words, the children need not, unless they please, partake of the religious food that is set before them ; but if they refuse it, when provided, they shall have no other, but be left to perish. Anil this is the sort of legislation which Lord John Russell proposes in the capacity of a friend of reli- gious freedom, as the advocate of religious equality ! Call yo'i this religious equality, my Lord ? The eighth resolution is as obnoxious and as unjust to Dissenters as any of tbe series. It proposes " Thatany school connected with the National School Society, the British and Foreign School Soc ety, any Protestant Dissenters' school, or any Roman Catholic school, which shall be found on inspection to be effi- ciently cor ducted, shall be entitled, by licence from the Privy Council, to grant certificates of school at tendance, for the purpose of employment, in factories, of children and young persons." The meaning of this resolution manifestly is, that Lord John, though giving all the endowments to tbe Church schools, will allow Dissenters to establish and support schools of their own. This is, doubtless, an act of marvellous condescension on the part of the Noble Lord. What a tolerant legislator his Lord- ship is I The Dissenters can never sufficiently ap- preciate his kindness in permitting them to support srhools of their own, after compelling them to pay for the propagation of Puseyism. Iu other words, they may, if they please, have separate schools for instruction in their own views ; but they must pay for the dissemina ion of principles from which they conscientiously and decidedly dissent. Why, what is this but t' e embodiment of the church- rate- principle in anew form— « principle gainst which Dissenters have been protesting for a ' ong series of years. They are compelled to contri- bute to the support of a church whose threshold tliey never cross; and now, in addition to providing places of worship for adult Churchmen, they are to be compelled— compelled, too, by a Noble Lord, one who has always professed a special friendship for them to provide si hools for the religious education of their children. Save us, we say, from such friends as the Member for the City of London. The fewer we have of them tbe better. We have not space to advert to tbe remaining re- solutions. Nor is it necessary we should. We have said enough to show that though the visage, if we may so speak, of the Noble Lord's resolutions, be less repulsive than the educational clauses of the Home Secretary's Bill, yet, in spirit, they are quite as bad. The course, therefore, which the Dissenters ought to adopt is clear. They must indignantly and at once reject both the Cesolutions and tbe Bill. We believe we speak the unanimous sentiments of the Independ- ent and Baptist bodies, when we say, that they regard the wretched modification — if modification it can be called— proposed by tbe Noble Lord with as much disapprobation as the measure itself. We believe we may also add, that before many days have elapsed he will be apprised of the fact, in language which he is not likely to misunderstand. The Wes eyan Methodists are acting with a vigour and determination which exceed all praise in their opposition to the Bill— we trust we can equally rely on their equally cordial co- operation in our hostility to the resolutions which Lord John Russell, by an extraordinary perversion of language, dignifies with tbe name of amendments to that measure. If we yield in this instance an iota of our rights as men and as Christians, we will there- by encourage new aggressions on the part of tbe Puseyite foe. The safety of Dissenters lies in their unity and boldness, and their determination to make no compromise of their principles Let thein disre- gard, as mere unmeaning words, the attempt made to intimidate them into acquiescence in the resolutions of Lord John Kussell, by representing them as res- ponsible, should they reject those resolutions, for tbe non- education of the factory children. This is the language of jesuitry, and the persons who use it know that it is so. The responsibility will rest in another quarter. It will rest on the Government which brings forward a measbre so flagrantly unjust, and so grossly insulting to the Dissenters, that they could not accept it without degrading Ihtmselves in their own eyes, and in the eyes of the whole world. DR. SOUTHEY.— Dr. Southey had a manly and affectionate pride in adverting to his parentage. His father was a linen draper, in Wine- street, Bristol, where his son Robert was born on the 12th of Aug., 1774. From a memorial, the notes for which were furnished by himself, we learn, that the boy was sent to school when six years of age, to Mr. Foote, a baptist minister; that he was subsequently taught by a Mr. Flower, at Corston, near Newton St Loe, and by a Mr. William Williams, " a Welshmman, from whom little scholarship was to be got;" being sub- sequently placed at Westminster, in 1788, by his maternal uncle, Mr. Hill, and 6nallyat Baliol College, in 1792, with an idea of entering the church. But Soutbey's Oxford career closed in 1794 ; for his tendency towards Socinian opinions made tbe plan of life chalked out for him altogether distasteful. In the same year he published his first poems, in con- junction with Mr. Lovell, the friends assuming the names of Mosclius and Bion. About that time, too, he took part in the famous Pantisocracy scheme, to which all the eager contributors brought golden theories, but of more tangible coin so little, that the Utopian project was necessarily relinquished. In the November of the following year, 1795, he married Miss Fricker, of Bristol, the sister of Mrs. Coleridge. In tbe winter of the same year, while the author was on bis way to Lisbon, " Joan of Arc " was published. He returned to Bristol in the following summer ; in the subsequent year removed to London, and en'ered Gray's Inn. He passed part of the years 1800- 1 in Portugal; and we find notices of a casual residence in Ireland ( as secretary, we believe, to Mr. Corry or to Mr. Foster), and of his final establishment at Keswick, in the lake country, early in the ceutury. Tbe other events of Dr. Soutbey's life, apart from the books he wrote, and the oooks he collected— each an incident to a scholar— may be recorded in small compass. On the decease of Mr. Pye, in the year 1813, he was appointed laureate; receiving his doctor's degree in the year 1821 ; and about six years ago, contracted a second marriage with Miss Caroline Bowles, one of the most pathetic and natural among cotemporary authoresses. That he was at different times offered a baronetcy and a seat in parliament, are fact3 well known to his friends; the public can trace the rest of his career iu the works which he poured forth, with a versatility, a care, a felicity, unrivalled in these hasty and superficial days. In the interval between the publication of " Wat Tyler " and his apotheosis of George the Third, the poet had veered from " liberty and equality" to " divine right." It must be » dded, that in both extremes of opinion, whether as poet, historian, or critic, Southey was eager, unshrinking, and uncompromising. Yet, in private life, be was kind, gentle, and tolerant; few men have been more beloved by a circle of intimate friends; and literary pursuit and moral worth served with him for a bond of intimacy. FARM FARE IN THE 16TH CENTURY.— In a letter from A nn Abbott, to Dame Anne Rokeshy, published by the Camden Society, in the Plumpton correspon- dence, the writer says:—" For in good faith we buy that we spend in our bouse, and I am fain to eat brown bread arid drink small ale myself, and lives as hardly, as God knows, and must do for this year. I trust to God it shall be amended the next year ; for, I thank God, we had not a belter crop toward this good while." 138 THE HALIFAX FREE PRESS. THE FREE PRESS. THE " GUARDIAN" AND THE LATE PUBLIC MEETING. The comments of the Halifax Guardian, on the late public meeting to petition against the educational clauses of the factory bill,— or rather upon its own distorted and garbled report of that meeting, are almost too contemptible to be worthy of any notice ; and as the gentlemen whose speeches are misreported do not think it worth their while to put forth any reply, we do not see that any necessity is laid upon its, to take up the cudgels for them; but there are a few passages on which we shall offer a remark or two. The speakers are blamed, by the writer, for uttering " hard saying-." against the established church ; and he adds,—" but we must warn the speakers how unjust it was to deal in these as- sertions, without one solitary proof that the church has had anything todo with the measure." The italics are his own ; and we should like to know what he woidd consider a " proof" in this case. Every feature of the bill proves its pater- nity. Such a measure,— imbued with Churcb- of- Englandism from beginning to end, and throwing every possible control and direction into the hands of the clergy,—- such a measure, so exclusively devoted to the interests of the Church, could not, in the very nature of things, have sprung from other parentage. " We must observe," the writer goes on to say, " on the impolicy of uttering these impu- tations at a meeting convened in answer toa re- quisition signed by some churchmen." These are, again, his own italics, which he uses, we suppose, to give greater emphasis to the expres- sion. There were, amongst the requisitionists, some churchmen, of most respectable character ; and some were also at ihe meeting: but we do not see what reasonable ground they had for taking offence at the sentiments uttered there, — we do not say Ihe sentiments attributed to the speakers by the Guardian. At a meeting where men of different religious or political denomi- nation's unite in one common object, differences of opinion on other points must be expected to transpire, and cannot furnish any reasonable ground of offence. If it were otherwise, some of the speakers, and especially the chairman, might have taken umbrage at the remarks of the " Wesleyan Minister" whom his " Local" brother so courteously and respectfully classes with the " two chartists." If, however, there be any justice in the Editor's observation, it will cut both ways; and we may ask how he, a Wesleyan Local Preacher, can be guiltv of the " impolicy" of supporting a measure which the highest authorities in the Wesleyan Connexion denounce in the strongest terms, and which they are exerting all their energies, civil and eccle- siastical, to prevent being carried through the legislature ! He proceeds, however, to " hint on the in- jury done to Christianity itself by thus speaking of one great branch of the Christian Church, in the presence of infidels and unbelievers." When honourable and conscientious men, of different, religious denominations, speak what they believe to be the truth respecting some other denomination, there can be very little fear for the cause of Christianity, from those speeches; but when one who professes to be a preacher of the gospel, publishes, every week, a sheet noto- rious for the falsehood of its statements, and the virulence of its personal hostility to those who oppose its views,— notorious for its reckless dis- regard of truth, and for its strenuous advocacy of principles and parties hostile alike to the inter- ests of civil and religious liberty,— then, we be- lieve, the conduct of such a pseudo- friend of Christianity may well do injury to religion, in the minds of " infidels and unbelievers." " Above all," he goes on to say, " we must comment on the injury thus done to the cause of education itself, by preventing that harmonious combination of Churchmen with Dissenters, by ivhich alone a National system of education can be adopted, and can be made to work." Here the italics are our own, and we call particular attention to the words thus printed. " We will hint no hypocrisy in these declarations," he says, in a subsequent part of his article, when speak- ing of the professions made at the meeting, in favour of the education of the people. We, too, will " hint no hypocrisy" in his article; but will boldly and fearlessly charge him with the VILEST HYPOCRISY that can be conceived. T « think » f his charging the dissenters with " preventing" an " harmonious combination of churchmen with dissenters !" Why, the very aim and object of the bill that he is supporting is to " prevent" such an " harmonious combi- nation," by throwing every thing into the hands of the clergv, and wholly excluding the dissenters from one particle either of the man- agement, or the benefit, of the schools to be es- tablished in the factory districts. Out upon such hypocrisy !— such scoundrelism ! Mark, too, his pretended zeal for the " cause of education," which he places " above all !" — that is, according to his own words, above " Christianity itself;" for the injury done to " Christianity" is made of less importance than that done to the " cause of education." One word as to his concluding wish,— for an amended bill, founded upon that of the government. We say, reject it altogether. It is an unclean thing ; and cannot be touched without defilement. THE DEFAULTING RELIEVING OFFICER. The defalcation in the accounts of Noble, lately one of the Relieving Officers of the Halifax Union, furnishes the Hal/ fax Guardian with another point from which to vent his spleen upon the Poor Law and its administra- tors ; and, in doing so, the veracious editor has made one very curious statement, that places his objections in a very singular predicament. That we may not be supposed to misrepresent his meaning, we quote the entire passage,— merely premising that the italics are his own :— " We are not disposed to charge Noble, or any other relieving officer, with an appropriation of tbe parishioners' money. For aught we know to the con- trary, tbey are well fitted for the responsible situa- tions they hold. It is with the system that we are at issue. Halifax is not the only Union in which si- milar errors have arisen, and it appears to us that the mode of keeping the Union accounts needs a thorough revision. We are aware that, in the instance of the defaulting officer to whom we have alluded, if the orders of the Commissioners had been strictly at- tended to, this great deficiency never could have arisen." Here we have two statements,— one, that " the system" is to blame; and the oilier, that " this g eat deficiency never could have arisen," if the system had been properly carried out, by those whose duty it was to put in force the " orders of the Commissioners !" These two statements cannot be reconciled. The blame cannot, under such circumstances, rest upon the system, but upon the men who neg- lected their duty. And who are those men? The Tory Board of Guardians ! For several years past, the Tories have had a considerable majority in the Board; and on them, not on the Liberals, must the blame fall. Their open and avowed hostility to the poor- law, and their evident,— in some cases acknowledged,— in- tention to make the system work badly, readily account for neglect of duty; but, if the rate- payers will elpct inefficient or improper re- presentatives, they must take the consequences of such folly. EDUCATION & MORALS IN PRUSSIA. In continuingour examination of the Prussian system of education, weshall still avail ourselves of Dr. Vaughan's able and interesting volume, " The Age of Great Cities,"— a volume which we most cordially recommend to our readers, as fraught wilh practical lessons of social and political wisdom. Speaking of Ihe moral,— or more properly the immoral, effects of the Prussian system of education, Dr. Vaughan says,— " No test, perhaps, is so certain, with regard to the social and domestic virtues amonir a people, as that supplied by their condition in the matter of female chastity. In this respect, Prussia, it seems, stands lower than anyother Protestant community in Europe. From returns made in 1837, it appears that of tbe females between the age of sixteen and forty five, one in every seventy five had been the mother of an illegitimate offspring. Such incidents, also, belong to families of the middle class in Prussia, in a decree unknown among ourselves; little being thought of an occurrence there, which in Scotland or England would be felt as a wide family disgrace for a genera- tion to come. It will, perhaps, occur that in this fact we see no unnatural consequence of the three years' military life assigned to every youns; man in Prussia. Even in the matter of honesty, it seems, if so un- suspicious a witness as Prince Pnkler Muskau inav be credited, the comparison of Prussia, as the best educated country in Europe, with some others as the worst, would not be more to the credit of the former. Tbe disclosures recently made concerning the im- moralities practised by a religioussectcalled Muckers, — iuoinoraliliei embracing great numbers, and to which some of the most educated and considerable persons were parties;— are such as were never known to disgrace the history of religious extravagance in this country." That the tone of moral feeling prevalent in any country, depends, in a great measure, upon the amount and character of the instruction imparted to the people, is an assertion which needs no corroboration. We see, from the passage quoted above, a proof of the inadequacy of the Prussian system of national education, to elevate the population in the scale of morality ; and the passage quoted in our last number, shows the enslaving and enthralling political tendencies of that system. In fact, the whole and sole object of tlie system seems to be, to prevent the people from obtaining a good and useful education, by compelling them to acquire that sort of routine instruction which is most admirably adapted to habituate them not tothink for themselves. The following just and power- ful observations, from Dr. Vaughan's book, clearly illustrate and ably expose the dangerous charactei of the Prussian system, and its want of adaptability to the needs of a free and liberty- loving people:— The Prussian military system, in connexion with the Prussian educational system, presents to the eye of the stranger, the appearance of an elaborate and finished mechanism. Both also are in strict keeping with the whole framework of the government; arid the results of both, when viewed in certain lights, would seem to be most successful. Tbe army of Prussia is the model of discipline and splendour ; and the in- struction given to its people is so general, and of such amount, as to have created an era in the history of European society. But to judge of these results wisely, we must do more than alance at them ; we must make them tbe subject of scrutiny ; we must ascertain what they have cost; we must endeavour to form a sober estimate concerning their general tendencies. " Thus much is certain ; the power presiding over all this machinery is one, and by that one power, the whole is inaue to serve one object,— the ascendency of a sinule will, and the utter extinction of civil and religious freedom, except as enjoyed from the suffer- ance of that will. The civil power, as being of this character, finds its natural ally in the sword ; but the national religion and the national education are made to lie alike tributary to its object. In Prussia, the government is every where, ann supreme in every thing,— in the civil and the military, in trades and professions, in the religion of the old, and in the schooling of the young. Asa theory, it assumes that the only manhood is with the governing. It con- templates an endless pupilage in the state of the governed. It does not devolve upon the state the wholesome exercise and manly responsibilities of self • government; but covers the land with paid function- aries,— functionaries created solely by the royal pleasure, aud dependent in no way upon the people. The government everywhere is an instrument in the hands of the king. It is nowhere a power emanating from the people. " In common with all such governments, it inflicts a large class of injuries on the national character,, even when administered by kings of the better class. But all history shows that it is in tbe nature of such governments to produce bad kings, and thus to insure tbe abuse of this large power, rather than tbe use of it. The polity in respect to which it is pre- eminently important that the king should be a good man, is the polity in which the tendencies to make him a bad man are pre- eminently powerful. We say, at once, that we loathe this species of government; and we cannot avoid the suspicion, that a scheme of educa- tion which has been made to harmonize so completely wilh the arbitrary where it exists, may be made to facilitate the introduction of the arbitrary where it dies not exist. But in countries where the authority of government, or the power of ruling classes, is h I read) such as often to place all popular liberty in great peril, nothing could be m ire natural than that such an augmentation of the machinery and power of government as would lie necessary to set up tbe Prussian scheme of education, should be regarded as an experiment by no means without hazard." NEWSPAPER. WRITING.— Though every body affects secrecy, it is a secret known to all the town, that almost every competent man in political life has now and then used the newspaper press, the most power- ful engine there is for acting upon opinion. An acquaintance of ours, calling on one of the bishops, ban to wait beside him until he finished a leader for a daily paper. Several political chiefs affect little secrecy respecting the fact of their contributing to. newspapers, though they, of course, do not wish to be identified with all their contributions. " You may think it very easy to write an article for a news- paper," said a cabinet minister at a public dinner recently, " but try it." In truth, to write a good leader, on an occurrence of the hour, acute and ready- in its arguments, and humorous or forcible in its illustrations, with the brief statement of facts, and ( he skilful management of personalities, which it demands in reference both to the newspaper and its. party, i. s one of the most difficult of all kinds of com- position. Tbe political pamphlet is a series of leaders, strung together, according to a unity of its, own. Nobody needs to be told, that perhaps the most piquant and powerful, certainly the most suc- cessful, of political pamphlets of late years, was the- pamphlet published by Mr. Bulwer,. when the death, of the late Earl Spencer occasioned an intrigue wbictt owtM) a ministry iu, a < Jajj.— WeVminsUr. Xttfati. 4 THE HALIFAX FREE PRESS. POETRY. ORIGINAL. LOVE A. ND THE BUTTEB, FLY. ( FROM THE FRENCH OF M. DE NIVERNOIS.) A Butterfly drest in garments gay, Said to Love, on a Summer's day, " Why should I not live with you I pray ? " Where will you rind two other creatures, " So much alike in form and features? " If two beings were ever by Fate decreed " To dwell together, ' tis us, indeed ! " And I wish you to tell me candidly, " If you know anybody more fit than me, " To draw your chariot to and fro, " And guide you wherever you wish to go? " For pray inform me, beauteous Love, " Why have you chosen the faithful dove, " Who, as all Creation is agreed, " Is most constant of all the feathered breed ? " Pshaw ! let your dainty doves go coo, " In Hymen's bowers, take me with you. " And then wherever we wish we'll fly, " Hither and thither through earth and sky; " Changing our home continually." " Friendj" Love replied, " thou reasonest well; '* I like thee, true ; we are birds of a feather ; " But yet we must not be seen together, " The reason I'll quickly tell. " Only in truth* can bliss be found, " And this I by my doves proclaim. " I cheat the world by empty sound, " If I ceased to cheat I should lose the game." D. * Constancy. SELECTED. MIS- SPENT TIME. BY SIR AUBREY DE VERE. There is no remedy for time mis- spent; No healing for the waste of idleness, Whose very languor is a punishment Heavier than active souls can feel or guess. O, hours of indolence and discontent, Not now to be redeem'd ! ye sting not less Because I know this span of life was lent For lofty duties, not for selfishness. Not to be wiled away in aimless dreams, But to improve ourselves, and serve mankind, Life and its choicest faculties were given. Man should be ever better than he seems; And shape his acts, and discipline his mind, To walk, adorning earth, with hope of heaven. OUR SCRAP BOOK. " A thing of Shreils and Pathces." A LESSON IN POLITENESS.— Once upon a time, a worthy tradesman who had his " wonn" in a certain populous city " i' the wast" of Scotland, was in the habit of nightly indulging a predilection for a com fortable lounge in an auction room, where lie man aged to procure a fund of ease and amusement, suffi- cient to dissipate tbe effects of tbe dry details of the day. On one occasion, while paying a tribute of more than ordinary attention to a string of elaborate eulogies on the merits of some article of sale, deli vered by the eloquent lips of the knight of the ham mer, his ears were suddenly assailed by the well known voice of his son, a boy of five years age, who had been charged with a message of special import ance from the guidwife to the frequenter of tbe nocturnal howff. " Fayther 1" vociferated tbe uncere- monious rascal ; " yer parritch is ready." Honest Thomas looked certain " unutterable tilings," as the eyes of a hundred individuals were simultaneously directed, first to the quarter whence the salute pro- ceeded, and then to the subject of the address. He cleared tbe inob in one step,— bolted from the thresh- old in another,— and finished a third with a smart application of a weighty tacketted shoe to the aston- ished retreater's seat of honour; while he grinned out, " ye deevil's Jawcobeat! The neist time ye come wi' sic an eerand, say a gentleman's waitin' on me " An opportunity soon occurred for a display of the urchin's newly acquired politeness. Two evenings afterwards, he was observed popping in bis antiquated phiz, and magnanimously bawling the intelligence re- garding the gentleman in waiting. He was answered with a complaisant " Vera weel," and a promise of immediate attendance. A new turn in the business of the lounge banished the circumstance from tbe father's recollection ; and the boy returned in breath- less haste to repeat the requisition, which he did in a clearer, louder, and more anxious tone than ever,— true, withal, tothe late hint on etiquette :—" Fayther ! If ye dinna come quick, the gentleman ' 11 be quite cauld 1" MORTALITY IN MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS.— " It is, indeed, a subject of solemn and earnest in- quiry for our statesmen, how it is that in England alone mortality should be upon the increase, while in all other civilized countries, the duration of human life is steadily increasing." In some of the manu- facturing towns— in Manchester, Asliton, Stockport, Oldham, and Leeds, there has been a decrease in the rate of mortality, owing in part we fear to a decrease in the population, but principally no doubt to the fact that tbe rate of mortality was higher than natural in in 1839, in consequence of the severe and sudden distress with which all those towns were visited. It has been suggested that the mortality is now less than it would have been, had not many of those most liable to the " diseases of distress" been previously swept away. Thus the first rude blast of autumn may shake down more dying leaves than any of its successors, not because it is more violent than they, but because more are exposed to its fury. It is possible too, that as men living in insalubrious climates grow able to bear without destruction, though not without injury, its noxious influences, so also may those who have experienced some years of semi- starvation, grow to bear even that, with wast- ing frames indeed, and weakened minds, and a lowered tone of moral and religious feeling, but still not die soon ; although assuredly death will come before bis naturally appointed time. Curiously enough, Sir James Graham used as an argument in defence of tbe corn law, tbe fact that in many manufacturing dis- tricts there was last autumn a diminution of mor- tality. The fact was of no great value, and what little value it bad was against his argument. For. as is well known, provisions last year were cheaper, and because of the mildness of the weather, fuel less necessary, and therefore the people must have been somewhat less miserable. The decrease in tbe mor- tality, so far as it was not apparent only but real, is thus easily accounted for, and is certainly an argu ment, so far as it goes, for making food cheaper and trade better, in order that tbe mortality mav be still further reduced.— North of England Magazine. CHARLES II.— When Charles II. sat for bis portrait to Riley, and that artist bad completed tbe work, bis majesty rose from bis seat to examine tbe picture. " Does that resemble me, Mr. Riley?" said tbe king. The painter replied,—" I trust it does, your majesty ;" on which the monarch exclaimed,—" . jdds- fish ! then, I must be an ugly fellow indeed !" EXTRAORDINARY PERSEVERANCE.— The Rev. W. Cary, curate of Estleigb, in Devonshire, completed, in the year 1809, a work entitled A System of Divinity, which extends to 26 volumes. He first attempted to publish it by subscription ; but, not succeeding, he formed tbe singular resolution of printing it by bis own hand labour. To effect this, be purchased as many worn out and cast off types of a country printer as were sufficient to set up two pages, and made a press for himself. With these materials he went to work in 1795, performing every operation himself, and working off page by page. He struck off 40 copies of the first 300 pages, 26 of which he distri buted among the Universities, the bishops, the Royal Society, and the reviewers Disappointed at not re- ceiving the encouragement be expected from this pro- ceeding, he resolved to spare himself of any farther expense of paper upon those before whom be had thrown pearls in vain ; and as be had only reserved 14 copies of the 40 with which he had commenced, 14 only he continued to print ; and at the end of twelve years of unremitting toil, he finished the whole 26 volumes— a rare tnorceau for the biblioma- niacs of the next century! A parallel to the above is to be found, in Fransbam, the Norwich Pagan, who died in 1811. He one day made this remark—" Every man has some great object which he wishes to ac- complish. and why should I not have mine ? I will choose such an one as no mortal being ever yet chose ; I will get a cup and ball, and I will catch tbe ball on the spiked end 6C6,666 times 1" And this he actually accomplished. A SPIRITED REPLY.— When Henry VIII. was, on one occasion, looking out for another wife, his atten- tion was directed to Christiana, a Danish princess, and widow of the Duke of Milan. The lady, how- ever, refused the proffered dignity; sarcastically ob serving that, " having but one head, she begged to decline the honour. Had she possessed two, one would have been much at bis service." The Chinese are physically superior to the nations and tribes among whom they settle. A Chinese is at least two inches taller than a Siamese, and by three inches taller than a Cochin Chinese, a Malay, or a Javanese, and his frame is proportionably stronger and better built. ON WHOM DOES THE BURDEN FALL ?— When a ship at sea happens to be short of food, all bands, officers and privates, reduce their allowance, and suffer together : with us tbe contrary is the practice. " You never heard," said Col. Thompson, " of an archbishop perishing for want of food. Lords and commanders- in- chief are much more in the habit of applying for medical aid to remove the effects of re- pletion. The middle classes, happily, feel not the sting of hunger. The want of provisions caused by tbe corn- law, therefore, must fall in all its weight upon tbe operatives, who have got the least share of means to purchase with."— Struggle. Mr. Francis Thorpe, linen manufacturer, of Knares borough, lias published a pamphlet, in which lie con* tends that the existing restriction on the hours of labour of young children in factories to eight and a half per day has been productive of many and great evils, and has, by training up one half more children in factories to the age of thirteen than can be em- ployed there after that age, produced a redundancy of that kind of labour, and a reduction of wages. He maintains that the further abridgment to six and a half hours per day would greatly aggravate the evil. MR. COBDEN AND SIR R. PEEL.— As different as the belligerent parties in parliament, so are their leaders. Mr. Cobden and Sir Robert Peel, though both new men, and risen from the multitude, have met a strange obliquity of destiny ; the son of the farmer becoming tbe champion of free trade, while the polished heir of a cotton spinner, who derived his fortune from trade, passes to tbe head of the monopolists of land. What a humiliating sight to tbe noble and ancient bouses of Derby, Lansdowne, Spencer, Warwick, Wentworth, Stafford, & c. & c that the captaincy of the great pitched battle between the interests of oligarchy and those of the people who live by trade should fall into such hands; another added to the countless proofs of the intel- lectual poverty of aristocracy, whose vaunted natair numen and education do not produce the incentive to genius with which trade anoints from her im- partial cornucopia the heads of her toiling masses. Cobden, destitute of the personal exterior that minis- tered so much to the oratory of Chatham, Burke, and Fox, has one of the least impassioned styles. He is earnest, but not intense ; simple as childhood, but never dull; straightforward, but never vulgar; he abounds in the argumentum ad hominem et ex eoneesso, but is never vituperative ; never subtle, but always acute ; at no time profound, but always sagacious ; more bullied than any, except O'Connell, but never worsted in the party; inexhaustable in quotation of well- proved facts which appeal tothe common judge in every man's bosom, and indomitably true to their legitimate induction He derives none of his power from tbe influence of tbe landlord, or from great property acquired by trade. Willi such a lack of what has always been thought indispensable to party success, Mr. Cobden has yet risen, in two or three sessions, to contest the championship with the premier, experienced in parliamentary tactics for thirty years ; and he represents more fairly the sen- timents of tbe greater number of her majesty's sub- jects than perhaps any other member of parliament. How different is Sir Robert Peel I To the influence of great wealth, be unites that of a polished speaker, fertile in quotation and lampoon ; of studied ex- terior, backed by the desperate host of oligarchs; a perfect Cleudio in tbe plau- ibles ; a master of the wriggling argument, exquisitely polished to the little end of nothing ; au fait in all tbe secrets of court and ministerial shuffle, prompt at clap trap, proud of being thought impartial, punctilious in preserving the forms of the house, weathered in all its climates, familiar with every offset to the popular cause, and honoured by four inonarchs. Sir Robert Peel lias been fondled at the feet of the great lions of despotism, the familiar of dukes and marquesses, curtseyed to by their ladies, pelted by the parsons, noticed by foreign potentates, quoted as an authority of taste, the mender of criminal codes and currency bills, tbe patron of mHny that are now high at tbe bar and the church, the Divus Dis, in his silver armour, always awake, hut always reserved j several times premier before, while once the nation had to halt till he had galloped from Rome ! Yet what a stripling be proves himself beside Richard Cobden !— Eclectic Review. At the last Athlone election, a Mr. Sproule, who seconded the nomination of tbe Tory, Captain Beres- ford, naively stated, that he had been fifty years pro- posing or seconding members, and not one qf them ever did any good to the town. The " Arches Court" is an Ecclesiastical Court, and also very ancient, having existed prior to the reign of Henry the Second. The name is derived from " Curia de Arcubus," tbe court being held formerly in Bow Church. It is now held in Doctors' Commons. THE FORCE OF KINDNESS.— Men do not need to be crushed. A wise kindness avails with them more than force. Even the insane are disarmed by kindness. Once, tbe madhouse, with its dens, fetters, straight- waistcoats, whips, horrible punishments at which humanity now shudders and tbe blood boils with indignation, was thought just as necessary as slaveiy is now deemed at the south. But we have learned, at last, that human nature, even when robbed of reason, can be ruled, calmed, restored by wise kind* ness ; that it was only maddened and m ule more desperate by the chains imposed to keep it from out- rage and murder. Treat men as men, and lliey will not prove wild beasts. We first rob them of their humanity, and then chain them because they are not human. What a picture of slavery is given by the common argument for its continuance 1 Tbe slaves, we are told, must be kept under the lash, or they will torn murderers. Two millions and a half of our fellow- creatures at the south, we are assured, have the seeds of murder in their hearts, and must be stripped of all human rights for the safety of their neighbours. If such be a slave country, the sooner it is depopulated the better. But it is not true. A more innocent race than the African does not exist on the earth. They are less given to violence and murder than we Anglo- Saxons. But when did wrong ever want excuse ? When did oppression ever fail to make out a good cause in its own eyes ?— Channing. OUR CHATTER BOX. HUNGER AND REVOLUTION.— A pamphlet witb this title has been sent to us, and will probably be noticed more at length at some future opportunity. The object of the pamphlet is to prove ' hat tbe French Revolution was caused by the inability of tbe working classes of France to obtain an adequate supply of food. The writer cites largely from " The French Revolution: a History, by Thomas Carlyle ;" and shows " the indifference of the French govern- ment to the welfare of tbe masses of tbe people ; and the great influence which hunger had in causing the calamities which ensued." He says, very emphati- cally,—" Let it not be said that we, who point out the intimate connexion which exists between Hunger and Revolution, are tbe revolutionists. There can be no security for either person or property, while a prohibition exists against the importation of food ; therefore, they are the revolutionists who stand in the way of the grievance being redressed." The letter of " A Dissenter " comes too late. A call upon the dissenters to exert themselves against the education clauses of the factory bill, is not now needed, as witness the town's meeting, last week, and that of the Sunday School Teachers, last Tuesday evening. CHARADE. My FIRST is a wonderful subject Indeed, Bidding fair to outrival disputes on a creed :— My SECOND claims justice to make it succeed: My WHOLE is a monster, concocted in h— 11; And that which my SECOND approves of so well. Was surely asleep when it crept from its shell. H. B., April 24, 1343. X. O. X. HALIFAX:— Printed and Sold, for the Proprietors, at t he Conetal Printing Office of H. Martin, Upper George Yardh,