No. 162.] SATURDAY, JANUARY 10, 1835. [ Price One Penny. Satire should like a polish'd razor keen, Wound with a touch that's scarcely felt or seen.— LADY MONTAGUE. " Political Pasquinades and Political Caricatures are parts ( though humble ones,) of Political History. They supply information as to the person and habits, often as to the motives and objects of public men, which cannot be found elsewhere."— CROKER'S NEW WHIG GUIDE. they acknowledged their blood, did not quite admire their action- Billy, however, was overpersuaded by his old woman, who actually sent to Italy for one of them, and has bought his experience pretty early in his journey, We do not expect he will be able to get beyond the first stage with them. In the mean time, an old origi- nal Opposition Windsor Coach, horsed by the new proprietor, Mr. Durham is about to start, and will no doubt meet with patronage. Poor William has got a pair of new horses not used to the road- They got on very well until they came to the Hill of Reform, down which they started at a rattling pace ; but not liking the way, they made several attempts to bolt; Bill, however, kept them up to the mark, until near the bottom, when springing on one side, they run the coach against a post called the Elections, and here over- turned the whole concern. They have broken the harness which will have to be repaired by Mr. Burdett, the Westminster sadler, and have put poor Billy and his wife into sad tribulation. Billy wascau tioned against the mettlesome pair, by several friends, who, although VOL. IV. DUNCOMBE versus Thynne. The vivid fancy of the fertile Hornegold has pourtrayed, with satiric pencil, the glorious defeat of Lord Thynne's paltry attack on the character of Mr. Duncombe. Duncombe has treated him G. COWIE. Printer, 13, Newcastle Street, Strand. FIGARO IN LOMDON. 42 FIGARO IN LONDON. like a man— and public opinion now shields him from the shafts of calumny and the envious assaults of the scurrilous Tory brood of anonymous slanderers. Neddy Thynne, who is generally in that wholesome state which the song describes as— " Not drunk nor yet sober, but brother to both," is for once quite sober; and the happy artist having caught hira at that felicitous moment, depicts him as appalled at his own handywork, and leaning vainly for help upon a rotten POST. His bills are flying about like kites— his hand is on hi. head, but there's nothing in that, and a tin- kettle has been tied to his Lord ship's tail by the Press, which will bring every dog in Saint James's Parish about his heels. And all this because poor Neddy has been beguiled, when bemused with brandy to put forth an advertisement, which no sober man would have been dishonest and scoundrel enough to have done. His Lordship's imbecility, however, is no excuse for his meanness or his Toryism— words which are now svnonimous. THE INTERPRETER. The Tory Tally- Ho ! " Mr. W. Holmes has arrived in town from Berlin."— Court Circular. We all know what this means—' We all know old Billy the, whipper- in well,'— the game's a- foot, and the old fellow comes up to lay on the hounds. Old Billy's business is to wander in Parlia- ment time from club to club, like an old mud- raker, picking up here and there a rotten member— from dowager to dowager he sneaks about in search of young dandy M. P's. and ' whips ' em up' to the house, where the minister wants them to vote for some robbery, or to cry down some reform. When Billy Holmes comes back from Berlin— why need we ask the principles of an adminis- tration. Cone of the People. " The young officer who so unfortunately committed himself by drawing his sword, in consequence of an altercation with a soldier of another regiment, during the funeral procession of the late Duke of Gloucester, has resigued his commission in the army, rather than await the decision of a Court Martial, which was to have been held upon him. That impartial administration of justice which, in a case like the present, tateu away all chance of impunity fiom an officer, whatever may be his rank, greatly tends to uphold a proper spirit in the service, and fully reconciles the well conducted soldier to the strict discipline under which he serves, and which he perfectly knows to be necessary for maintaining the high character of the British army.— Times." If the soldier had drawn his sword upon the young officer of high rank, would the soldier have been allowed to resign? would his discharge have been given to him to save him from the merciless in- fliction of the murderous lash ? The Times are indeed sadly changed;— from the defence of a military government, The Times advances to the fearless advocacy of military flogging; like a woman, who having fallen once, falls for ever— without the power of re- demption or pause in her career. But who is this ' young officer V Some pampered scion of a plundering aristocracy; some high- fed pensioner, who cannot brook contradiction from the starving hum ble ;— he draws his glittering plaything, ( which to call a sword, would be but to profane the sacred weapon of a freeman,) upon one who dare not bare his blade, even in self- defence; but who with naked and unarmed hand, in the conscious strength of manhood, tore from the lordling's weak grasp his puny weapon, and waved it scornfully over his head. A bitter omen to the Tory boasters— who dare to prate about putting down THE PEOPLE. Literary Jealousies. OLYMPIC.—" A new burletta has lately been brought forward, entitled ' St. Mark's Eve.' When we consider death a funny subject, or feel inclined to enjoy a constant succession of verbal and practical jokes upon the great change which awaits mortality, we shall enter into a discussion of the merits of this piece ; in the mean time we turn from it with a cold shudder, and question the taste of all parties concerned in its production."— Athenceum. Were it less openly offensive to that fair and honest dealing which should distinguish literary criticism, we should have passed over, in the present excitement of the elections, this malicious theatrical notice in the Athenceum of Saturday. What will our readers think of literary honour and truth, when we tell them that the notice of " St. Mark's Eve," which is well known to be the production of a gentleman formerly connected with this periodical, but now eminent for the talent and brilliancy of his dramatic writings— was actually written by a party who has an engagement to write farces for Madame Vestris; and who, not content with puffing his own pieces, which are by no means bad, in the Athenaeum, is actuated by a foolish and paltry jealousy, to abuse those of any other author, who may have the good fortune to obtain a hearing for his production at that theatre. This is sadly out of taste, and is a Dance to a very bad tune. The Athenasum, in justice to itself, should prevent it. " St. Mark's Eve," it is well known, is a right pleasant conceit! and the maudlin about ' the great change which awaits mortality,' and the ' cold shudder,' is first rate humbug. A Cabinet Council. SCENE.— The parlour of the Canteen at the Horse Guards; THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON and PEEL discovered smoking. Wellington. What will you take, Bob ? Peel. Half- and- half ; I've stuck to half- and- half all my life. Wellington. To be sure you have— None of your half- and- half for me, I always ' go the whole hog.' Here, Twiss !—( speaking to Waiter,)— a glass of burnt brandy with a spoonful of gunpowder in it. And now my fine fellow, what's to be done ? Billy begins to funk already; and Harvey has come in without opposition. No one will join us but a parcel of sticks, old women, addle- pated old peers, stiff- rumped prosers, swindling lordlings, and crackbrained witling's— a ragged regiment that Falstaff would have scorned to march with through Coventry. Peel. Let us insinuate a promise to take off the tax on malt,— that will cajole Chandos, mystify Cobbett, and enable Lethbridge and Knatchbull to palaver the countrymen. Wellington. Lethbridge and Knatchbull ! pig- headed ploughmen — they're all corn- laws and leather breeches— why did you bring ' em ? Why not have kept it all between us ? Peel. ( Aside.)— How little he knows about political manoeuver ing. My dear Arthur, we must support the agricultural interest- Am I not about to make Hunt Master of the Horse, and Thynne Chancellor of the Exchequer ? Wellington. That one may put the king's horses to his blacking van, and the other discount his own bills with the public money ! Peel. At any rate it is as good as making Young Castlereagh a Lord of the Bed- chamber. Wellington. I never put my brother into place, Sir Robert. Peel. No, for you are jealous of him. Wellington. I won't put up with it.—( Throws his pipe at PEEL'S head ; PEEL retaliates with the porter pot.) Wellington. Villain ! Peel. Rascal!—( They rise from their seats, and seize each other by the collar; Twiss and PRAED rush in— they look at one another spite- fully— PEEL puts out his hand, which WELLINGTON takes.) Peel. Brother, brother, we are both in the wrong! Wellington. You should not be so provoking, save your sharp speeches for the House of Commons— you'll want them there. Peel. ( With a bland smile.)— My dear Arthur.—( aside.)— An old scoundrel! Wellington. Bob, I forgive you.—( aside.)— I'll see you d d first. Let's go to the King, and get some of Adelaide's curacoa, that'll set all right. 42 FIGARO IN LONDON. Dog bite Dog. Dr. Maddan. Constables, I call upon you to put Mr. Hart out of the office. Mr. Hart ( To Constables)— Put me out, if you dare,— put your hands upon me, if you dare. Recollect, I am a Magistrate, and one of your employers— and you dare not touch me. You shall obey me as well as Dr. Maddan. Dr, Maddan. Constables, I call upon you, and upon all present who are special constables, to put Mr. Hart out of this office. The constables stared and stood motionless.— Morning Herald. This is a pleasant report of what happened the other day at Kingston. It is some pleasure to see these gentlemen, so called, be- having thus politely to one another— but what are the public to expect from such persons ? Is this a fit temper for ' one having authority?' is this the sober wisdom of the law? are these the acts of those who - are in the commission of the peace ? Truly our rulers from the highest to the lowest are setting us a fine example. The constable mnst have been much edifyed, by the Mad ' uns couduct, and the Hart must have panted for cooling streams. BREVITIES. A Neddy. Reformers have every cause to triumph— for the ranks of corrup- tion have already got Thynne. On Mr. Sergt. Spankie's Address to the Electors of Finsbury ' Debtors and rogues, a swindling swarm, Are those who advocate Reform!' Such is wise Serjeant Spankie's story, Then tell me— Why is THYNNE a Tory ? An Answer. Lord Mahon savs, " I can do what I like with the Borough of Hertford." The Borough of Hertford has determined to reject him. and says in reply, " Can't I do what I like with my own ?" A Plumper for the City. Lyall and Ward, ah ! happy name! Ward and Lie- all are both the same. A Great Difference. The distinction between Wood, the candidate for Middlesex, and Wood, theCity member, is— that one woo'd, and the other woo'd not, vote for Reform. Pour Penny- worth of City Wit. Cries Peel, ' Our Sovereign large supplies Requires, and we shall want your vote !' ' Money!' Old London quick replies, ' You want from me, then— take A GROTF.' The Whole Hog- Mr. Wilson at the City Nomination, declared his intention to " go the whole hog," so we should suppose— for we never saw a more pig- headed Opposition. The Lament of Lord Neddy Thynne, Ah ! why does my Neddy so doleful appear, Why down that lank cheek flows the briny salt tear ? Does Vestris coquette his affection to prove, Or does Mrs. Waylett deny him her love. ? Ah, no! ' tis not love grieves this comical elf, For my Neddy has never loved aught but himself; Nor can he fair Vestris with jilting upbraid, For my Neddy she cut when his last bills she paid! Then why does my Neddy so mournful appear, Ah ! why does my Thynne look so cursedly queer ? Have Selby, or Radford, or aught of their crew, Arrested my Ned at the suit of some Jew? Lord Edward Thynne, loquitur. I don't mean myself or my talents to flatter, But I've swindled my tailor, and I've swindled my hatter ; I've swindled my carriages, horses, and plate, I've swindled the small, and I've swindled the great. And now, as Tom Duncombe's about his Election, And wishing to bring about young Tom's rejection ; As the Tories declare with some blunt they will down come, I'm trying to swindle this Radical Duncombe. A lord's name to a bill cuts a very great dash, A lord to a bill makes it equal to cash ; So I paid Tom in bills, instead of the rhino, And who paid these bills— how the devil should I know? So wishing to get Duncombe into a mess, I wrote and I asked each endorser's address— And not giving him time to put in an answer, 1 Just filed a new bill, and put Tom into chancery. ' Give Neddy his bills,' each conservative cries, ' Give Neddy his bills,' laughing echo replies. • Neddy's bills! Neddy's bills!' yells the whole tory host, 1 Neddy's bills ! Neddy's bills!' quick re- echoes The Post. But, alas! Tommy Duncombe has spoken and smashed me, And FIGARO, I'm told, has most dreadfully thrashed me; Nor Chancery, nor Times, nor Post, will avail, For Selby has bummed me and brought me to gaol. Whitecross- street. EDWARD THYNNE. Thynne— but not Genteel. 42 FIGARO IN LONDON. Wrong and R ight Lord Thynne declares, that he is not in debt to Tom Duncombe ; — he is quite right; for, to paraphrase one of Martial's epigrams : You say you nothing owe, and true you say,— He only owes who able is to pay. i Takings The Tories boast of taking off the burthens of the country. The country responds that they had better take themselves off, A Rub for the Polisher. The great friendship between Hunt and the Duke of Wellington is only a scheme of the Blacking Man to get hold ' of the shiners.' On Lord Iiangford's caution to Tradesmen not to trust Lady Langford. His Lordship writes with caution just, Lest tradesmen should ' my lady ' trust; But where's the man who ever heard That any tradesman trusts my lord ? Dissenting Ministers. The Ministry declare that they only fear the Dissenters— and rightly so, for the whole nation dissent from their administration. Mr. Wood of Littleton's Address to the Electors of Middlesex I'm Mr. Wood of Littleton, A gentleman but little known, But listening to my foolish friends, Who've gulled me for their private ends. For Parliament myself I proffer, And hope you won't reject the offer— If you return or Hume or Byng, What will become of Church and King ? Where will the tithes and taxes go ? What will our Sinecurists do ? Our pensions, places, and Church rate— Our army, navy, and dead weight ? Our blessed laws, our banks, our stocks, Each man's estate, and money- box ? And, oh! to be remembered yet— What will become of the National Debt ? Electors of Middlesex, I presume, You'll elect me instead of Hume ; Put up an umbrella ' gainst a storm, And with Wood of Littleton— stop Reform. Caution to the Public. Whereas,— My old cronies, Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, did formerly uphold Catholic Emancipation, and then afterwards, to keep in place, did feloniously carry the same measure in spite of me; and whereas, the aforesaid Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington, did about two years since, most vigorously and effectually, oppose the Reform Bill, and have now sneaked into office, under the pretence of Reforming all abuses. This is to give notice, that I will no longer be answerable for their proceedings, and do hereby caution all tradesmen, householders, and respectable persons, from any farther trusting the aforesaid Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Signed, Witness, ELDON. CHARLES WETHERELL. TWELFTH NIGHT CHARACTERS AT WINDSOR. The Duke of Wellington drew General Bombastus Furiso. Sir Robert Peel drew Charles Surface. Lord Winchester drew a Donkey. The Lady Mayoress drew Sappho. Lord Ellenborough drew a Unicorn. Lord Thynne ( by favour of Mr. Selby,) Nimming Ned. Her Majesty drew Queen Dollalolla. His Majesty drew Humpty Dumpty. His Majesty was so struck with the ominous meaning of the verses underneath his character:— Humpty Dumpty sat on a wall, Humpty Dumpty had a great fall, All the king's horses nor all the king's men, Couldn't set Humpty Dumpty up again. Prophetic words, which his Majesty applied to his own fate and that of his ministers, that he immediately broke up the party, just at the very moment that the intelligence of the first day's poll in the city was brought to him Post- Captain Ryder Burton's Address to the Electors of the Tower Hamlets. Let no man me presume to spurt on, I am Post- Captain Ryder Burton ; A fighting, flogging, bullying Hector, And I don't care a d— n for any Elector. The Tower Hamlets needs must choose me, Who the devil dare refuse me '} Whoever the Burton cause espouses, 5 With Burton ale may make carouses, > For I've opened all the public- houses. 3 If Lushington prates about Reform, I'll give Dr. Lushington something warm ; If Lushington prates against the Peers, ) I'll take the old Doctor by the ears, > And serve him as I served Algiers ! j If any man my opinions axes— I tell him at once I'm for Tories and Taxes ; None of your humbug, none of your shammy, I'm Captain Ryder Burton— D— me. A Note. Lady Mary Winchester presents her compliments to the Editor of FIGARO in London, and requests him to announce that what- ever Lord Winchester may choose to say, Lady Mary Winch ester has no intention of interfering with party politics, and that therefore the Election Placards of— POLL for Lyall, Ward, and Wilson, have been issued without the sanction or authority of Lady Mary Winchester. Guildhall, Jan. fith. Shocking bad Returns. The Duke of Cumberland has returned to England, and the Ministry are now ERNEST in their advocacy of Reform. FIGARO IN LONDON. 9 WINCHESTERIANA. The Police Committee, Alderman WOOD directed that the several newspapers of Monday last should be brought into the court from the reading- room, and stated that the Lord Mavor was represented in the Mansion- house report of that day to have accused the police committee of impertinence in presuming to interfere with his jurisdiction in directing the police on the occasion of the meeting at the London Tavern. The LORD MAYOR said, that the report was a true version of what had taken place at the Mansion- house. rHe had stated that the interference of the police committee with his prerogative as custos of the City of London was most unwarrantable, and that he should ( eel no hesitation to avow the fact under anv circumstances. He had given orders to the city marshals, which orders had been strictly obeyed, and the police committee had no right whatever to question his undoubted right to issue such directions as he thought calculated to preserve the peace of the city.. He had ordered Mr. Brown, the maishal, not to attend to the orders of the police committee, who presumed to question the propriety of his conduct. Alderman WOOD said, that at the time the committee assembled at the Guildhall he was in the country. He regretted that such was the case, as he certainly would have sent for the marshal to account for his conduct in Bishopsgate- street on the preceding Tuesday ; and if the order had been dis- obeved, he would have sent a warrant and apprehended that officer for daring to act in contempt of the power of the police committee. Indeed, if it had been thought necessary by the committee to have the presence of the Chief Magistrate upon the occasion, a summons should have been served upon his Lordship ; and if his Lordship refused to attend, a warrant should have been issued, and his Lordship would have been brought before the committee in custody of the police. He ( Alderman Wood) had been Chief Magistrate himself, and knew perfectly well the extent of the rights and privileges of that officer, and he knew also the extent of the power of the police committee, by whose exer- tions the security of the city had been so incalculably increased.— Times. We are only sorry Wood was not in time to have pulled up Winchester before the Police Committee. What a rich sight to see the pursy Winchester, Lord Mayor of London, Prince of Fools and King of Higli- cock- a- lorum, in the custody of a couple of constables, and worried by Wood and Harmer! How his Lord- ship would have fretted and fumed, and sputtered! How he would have talked of his dignity and rattled the silver in his pockets— and shaken his gold chain— and fidgetted his magisterial gown ! How he would have bounced upon the occasion, like a chesnut on a hot shovel! This Winchester is, indeed, the Fool of Fools and grand Jackass of Jackasses— like a swimming pig, the farther he goes the more he cuts his own throat; and you have but to show a dirty puddle, and souse he throws himself into it over head and ears. Justice Midas was wise to him— and a late departed friend of ours would have yielded to him the palm for the helpless inno- cence of his glaring stupidity. Higgins himself must hide his di- minished head; and Hobler has already declared his intention of resigning the situation of Lord Mayor's Fool, which his Lordship has rendered a complete sinecure by doing all the business himself. We cannot help feeling for the delicate situation of Lady Mary Winchester at the present moment. Her Ladyship's note appears in another part of our paper, and we hope the mischief will be re- medied. But surely his Lordship should not compromise a person of her Ladyship's quality and distinguished literary talents by such frivolous attempts at wit. We do not like to enter into family quarrels— but when his Lordship, in his fondness for speaking, ac- tually insinuated that Lady Mary Winchester was too drunk her- self to speak, ( see Report of Ministerial Dinner in the Times) and therefore took upon himself to return thanks for her. In justice, however, to her Ladyship, it is our intention to devote some por- tion of our future Number to a few selections, in prose and verse, from her Ladyship's album. Serious Accident in the City. About four o'cleck on Wednesday afternoon, a terrific accident happened to three gentlemen connected with the Tory interest in the City of London, named Lyall, Ward, and Wilson— by a break- ing down on the hustings, which had been erected for the late elections. The gentlemen are said to be so seriously injured, that it is not likely they will appear again in the same place. THEATRICALS. We begin to fear that it is all up with the great houses, as far, at least, as genuine acting is concerned— Comedy and Tragedy must quit the stage, and leave to farce, burletta, and melodrame, the task of purifying the morals— correcting the taste, and refining the manners of the age. Much has been done this season, and much left undone. The engagement of Vandenhoff— the bringing forward of Denvil— have shown some endeavour, at least, to pro- duce native talent on a British stage;— some judgment of acting ; and some desire of success. But a great stumbling block now lies in the path of every Manager— the number of minor theatres— their comfortable size, and their light and sketchy pieces attract and please many; and the family which would heretofore have gone right on to ' the Lane' or ' the Garden,' is induced, if from the West, to pause at the Adelphi— if from the East, to rest awhile with Mrs. Waylett or Madame Vestris— and the names of these fair managers suggest in themselves a further reason for the dimi- nished attendance at the Patent Houses. How can a sufficient and efficient company be collected by any manager, however rich, or however active— when the elite of the dramatic corps are scattered in all parts of the metropolis ; for instance— Vestris, Liston, Orger, Keeley— at the Olympic. Waylett, Mitchell, Forester, Oxberry— at the Strand. Mrs. Nisbett, Wrench, Anderson— at the Fitzroy. Mrs. Yates, Mrs. Keeley, Mrs. Honey; Yates, Reeve, Buck- stone, Wilkinson— at the Adelphi. Mrs. W. West, Miss E Paton ; Braham— at the Victoria. Sheridan Knowles, Miss Philips— New York Theatre. Charles Kemble, Macready, Jones— no where. And who is now left for the great theatres ? Are we to be an- swered— James Wallack. Never was there such a Christmas pan- tomime as his Richard the Third— all stage trick, exaggerated em- phasis, start, and stare. The combat in the last scene was trulv slaughtering work. James Wallack should stick to Massaronis and Brigand Chiefs. We forbid him Richard the Third and Charles Surface; the one he acts like a madman, the other like a Jew. We went to see ' The Grecian Daughter,' but fell asleep in the first scene, and were only roused by the big drum in the Overture to the Pantomime. The ' Scene of Confusion,' at the Olympic, is rather a failure— the point of this piece turns upon the unexpected appearance in the boxes of a Mr. Augustus Buzzard, whose wife is supposed to make her first appearance that evening. Buzzard, who sits in a private box, with a two- horse power eye- glass, kid gloves, and a distingue air, is suddenly seized with jealousy on perceiving his wife, in playing her part, about to enter a private room with Mr. Salter, one of the actors. He rises in a rage, calls upon the audience te 50 FIGARO IN LONDON. sympathize with the feelings of a. husband, rebukes his wife, and finally insists upon going on the stage. Now it is plain that the humour mainly lies in the person of the actor being so disguised as to escape the recognition of the audience, who would thus be deceived into taking an active part in the performance themselves, and insist on turning out the troublesome, meddling old gentleman. But who can disguise the fortunate misfortune of Liston's ugliness? who can be deceived, when once his voice falls upon the ear;— which, desirous to partake of the risible pleasure, almost curls itself into the mouth in a hearty attempt to laugh ? An opening scene, too, unhappily let us into the joke at once; like the anxious reader who, impatient of the intense interest of a new novel, turns to the third volume before finishing the first, the remaining por- tion of the farce became tedious as a twice- told tale— scarcely relieved by the ludicrous way in which Liston read his part. There was one circumstance in the acting of this piece which is deserving of notice-— which is the excessive difficulty Mr. W. F. Matthews found in acting the part of Mr. W. F. Matthews-— and how very little justice he did himself when acting his own character! The same may be said of Mr. Salter. In regard to the farce, the leading idea is taken from the French; and, in our opinion, Mr. Mitchell's Buggins was a better piece of acting than Mr. Liston's Buzzard. It was decidedly more effective— for to our own knowledge, had it not been for the vigorous resistance of a friend who accompanied him, Mitchell would have been pitched over into the pit, by an audience indignant at his supposed unnecessary in- terruption of the performance. The Adelphi have also produced a thing of this sort, but we have not yet seen it. We attended a lamentably dull farce, extremely well acted, at the Strand Theatre on Monday. The title of this stupid thing was the Ruse de Guerre, and the one solitary joke was that of trying a lover's affection by telling him that his mistress had the plague ! In this consisted all the humour of the farce;— and with this, and the atrocious acting of Mr.' Chippendale, our patience was tested for about, an hour. Mr. Chippendale, who is pushed forward here as the comic old men, has no pretensions as an actor, and inflicts upon the audience his own natural dullness, as the humorous prosing and farcical garrulity of stage old men. " The walking gentlemen, likewise, of this theatre, are ludicrously inefficient— mere sticks, inanimate laths, pump- handle spouters, and awkward lubberly lovers. Surely, a woman of Mrs. Wayletfs experience ought to be a better judge of men. Oxberry, in this farce, as a foolish country swain, again distinguished himself as an actor, who must fast rise to great eminence in his profession. Let him avoid man- nerism, and not be too fond of dancing, and we prognosticate, that his success will be greater than his father's. The Ruse de Guerre had better be withdrawn, and we humbly suggest to whoever may be the manager of this Theatre, the propriety of murdering the gentleman who performs the father in this farce. The attraction of Mitchell's Man- Fred continues unabated. He ought to be elected President of the Chummy's Society without farther delay. Mrs. Nisbett has announced that the Fitzroy Theatre will be. opened under her management. Mrs. Nisbett is a very pretty and fascinating woman— the only spirituel actress of genteel comedy, on the stage at present; and our regret at her undertaking so perilous a struggle as the management of the Fitzroy Theatre will and ever must be, is tempered by an intimation that she has sufficient stock in Bonds, whether Spanish or Portuguese, we know not, to carry her safely through. She is a woman of sense and spirit, and knows her cue. Wrench, of the English Opera, little Hughes of the City Theatre, and others, are said to be engaged. The fair widow has our best wishes— for success; we hope she will obtain it ; we are certain she will deserve it. The City Theatre is doing well, Leman Rede and Wild together with Hughes and a tolerable company, are drawing good houses, and for the first time these six years this theatre is eltaring its expenses. ELECTION ADDRESSES. The first blow has been struck. Two Reformers have been already returned— and, before our paper will reach one half of the million of our country subscribers, the City of London will have led the way in the path of Reform, and set an illustrious example to the whole Country. Under these circumstances, and looking to the many events which require our attention on all sides, at this eventful moment, we have inserted only a few of the numerous addresses which have been sent us— not wishing to make this portion of FIGARO IN LONDON a means of base pecuniary profit to ourselves but solely of advantage to our country. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE CITY OF LONDON Gentlemen,— In compliance with the request of a numerous and influential body among you, I announce myself a Candidate for the honour of representing you in Parliament. I could have wished that the approaching Election had passed without interruption to the quiet of the City of London by the excitement of a contest; but the imprudent activity of the anti- Reformers, have rendered the unopposed re- election of your late Members im- possible. In soliciting your support I am aware that, long as my name hasbeen commercially con- nected with the City of London, I am politically unknown to the great majority of the constituency; and it is my duty as well as my inclination, to lay before you the sentiments I profess. Though not a party man, I am a Whig in principle, and shall always be found an un- flinching Reformer, being prepared to carry the spirit of Reform, wherever it can be bene- ficially applied in Church and State. I cordially approved, the Reform Bill, and gave it the best support in my power. I cannot, however, admit that this ought to be a final and irrevocable settlement of that great Constitutional question. At the same time, in avowing my opinion that many and important changes in the Bill may be necessary, I openly declare myself opposed to Annual Parliaments and Universal Suffrage. I am decidedly hostile to the policy by which the Tories have been hitherto influenced ; and when I recollect their persevering opposition to the Reform Bill— a measure for which a debt of gratitude is due from the nation to Earl Grey and his colleagnes— when I consider the component parts of Sir Robert Peel's Administration, together with the speeches and declarations made at the Mansion House, no other course is open to me than to declare my determined opposition to the present Ministry. Being prepared to exact a strict economy in all the departments of the State, I shall do my utmost to support every practical retrenchment, consistent with the faith due to the national creditor. As a firm fiiend of the Church of England, I shall be ready to vote for all measures cal- culated to remedy the numerous abuses of that establishment. In the mean time, I do not forget the just claims of the Dissenters, and I shall zealously advocate the cause of civil and religious liberty on behalf of the conscientious and non- conformist. A thorough reform of the Cburch of Ireland appears to me to be necessary and unavoidable. Among those improvements which the country has a right to expect, there are few of greater importance than the correction of the abuses now existing in many of our Munici- pal Corporations. 1 shall willingly support a wise and well- digested measure of Municipal Reform, founded on the principle of periodical election. Having been all my life connected with the trade of London, I feel the strongest interest in its steady advance and prosperity, and I shall esteem it an important branch of my duties to study the means of preserving and increasing the commercial interest of this City. Confining myself at present to the above short exposition of those views, according to which my political conductwill be regulated, I beg to assure you, that if, by your suffrages, I should obtain the distinguished honour of representing you in Parliament, mvbest efforts shall be used to forward both the interest of the country in general, and the welfare and prosperity of the City of London in particular. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your faithful and obedient Servant, Old Broad- street, Dec 27. JAMES PATTISON. " TO THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER. " Gentlemen,— The Reform Act, though containing many imperfections which ought to be removed, is nevertheless the greatest acquisition which has been made for the people in modern times. The people may now, by their own exertions, return their own represent atives ; and if they perform their duty in making a proper choice, the continuance of any arbitrary or corrupt Government, and the support of any palpable abuse, have become absolutely impossible. " Grateful to the late Ministers for the reform which they have been instrumental in procuring, and knowing that time was required to prepare and mature the detailed reforms in administration, which were reasonably to be expected from the representation, 1 thought it my duty to give them my general support, though I could not approve of all they did, or omitted to do ; and, believing that Lord Melbourne honestly intended to make the public welfare the principle of his Government, I regretted the loss of his power; but my regret was accompanied by no surprise, and by no alarm— by no surprise, because, although no authentic explanation has yet been given, I had for some time apprehended that his Administration contained within itself the elements of its own destruction; and by no alarm, because I felt, and now feel, assured that the representatives of the people in the reformed House of Commons will not permit the present Ministers nor any other men to abuse the authority and power which the prerogative of the Crown confers upon them. " Seeing the names of which the majority of the new Administration is composed, it cannot, in me at least, inspire confidence; but there is no cause to fear them, or anything they can do, because, if they will not, or, from old habits and prejudices, cannot, act in pursuance of the national will, as expressed in the House of Commons, they cannot main- tain their power, and must give place to men who know better what their duties and the circumstances of the country require. The time is come when the general interest ought to prevail, nay, must prevail, over every other consideration— when the old factitious dis- tinctions which we struggled against in our pursuit of Parliamentary Reform ought to be abolished— when the flags and watchwords under which the Whigs and Tories fought their disgraceful battles ought to be destroyed and forgotten— and when all men, whatever their former views and opinions may have been, ought to feel and avow that it is their duty to unite in procuring for the people at large, in peace and tranquillity, all those fruit* of good government which the Reform Act was intended and is calculated to secure. " For me, I have not, and never had, any party but the people— any po'itical object but their welfare— nor any wish to represent you in Parliament other than that which is FIGARO IN LONDON. 109 saunded ofl the hfpe that, by the weight which your suffrages may give me, 1 may be able to contribute to the public security and happiness. " I remain, Gentlemen, as ever, vour faithful humble Servant, " FRANCIS BURDETT." " St. James's. place, Jan. 3, 1835." TO THE ELECTORS OF THE METROPOLITAN BOROUGH OF LAMBETH. Gentlemen,— You elected me by an immense majority in 1832, upon the faith of my public principles and professions. Justly proud of the trust reposed in me— conscious only of patriotic motives, and nerved by the support of a vast and enlightened District of the Metropolis, I was resolute in my fidelity to those principles and professions. In circumstances most painful to myself, in- volving, as they did, sacrifices of private friendship and political connection to my own sense of public duty, I was sustained by my reliance on your constancy and justice ; and this reliance has already been rewarded, by the cordial and affectionate reception I have experienced at your hands. You will shortly be called upon to decide, finally, between two principles; the real choice rests with the people alone, and, upon that choice, the future destiny of our coun- try depends. The advocates of both principles profess, and no one more sincerely than myself, that they are actuated by a loyal devotion to the Monarchy and ancient Constitutional Govern- ment of England, and a veneration for the Institutions connected with them. Originally generated and developed by the character and habits of the British people, the whole con- stitutes a system, which, properly directed, is, in my judgment, calculated to ensure to us a larger sum of civil liberty and social happiness than any yet devised— however beautiful in theory, or successful in other climes. But, although these Institutions were conceived in a truly national spirit, they have in som^ instances remained stationary for ages, while society has been rapidly moving on- ward. Others have been perverted for sinister objects, and are now counteracting the pur- poses for which they subsist. Accordingly, the advocates of that principle for which I contend, would adapt them to new exigencies— renovate and direct their powers where paralized or distorted— and by thus conforming them to the present wants, extended inte- rests, and new condition of society, restore the genial and expansive beneficence contem- plated by our forefathers, when they bequeathed to us those Institutions. The disciples of the opposite principle— and on whom those now entrusted with the ex- ecutive government must mainly rely,— would, on the contrary, leave every thing in the condition to which time, accident, violence, or intrigue, may have reduced it. The aristo- cratical oligarchies, which for a long period governed both the king and the people, made every prerogative of the crown and national institution, subservient to their own craving ambition. Unchecked by a true representation of the people, the old House of Commons was a corrupt agent in their hands. To prolong the existence of this convenient instru- ment, was the object of those who opposed the Reform Bill. The same persons naturally insist, that the people are damaged by the possession of efficient controul. In perfect con- sistency with this proposition, they maintain, that monopoly of power, and the exclusion from civil rights and public institutions, of those who differ from them in religious faith;— that antiquated arrangements, however inapplicable to their professed objects, or unpro- ductive of beneficial results;'- that ancient established rights, and prescriptive authority, however inconsistent with reason, should all be respected and firmly maintained, as the best and most powerful aids of government. We, who supported the Reform Bill, would now steadily pursue its own legitimate and our constantly avowed objects. We contend, that a more fair and general distribution of the advantages now partially enjoyed, and of the burthens now unequally imposed, would not only, in itself, add largely to individual happiness and general prosperity, but attach- ing, as it must, the entire people by ties of new affection to the State, would vastly in- crease our national strength, and, finally, place our social system upon a just, noble, more sure, and permanent foundation. A single example will suffice for illustration. Although a member of the Church of England, I do not, as a legislator, allow that consideration to bias my judgment: but sincerely believing an establishment— really and practically admi- nistering to the spiritual wants and comforts of the people, and extending the moral influ- ence of Christianity,— to be beneficial in itself, and conformable to the wishes of a majo- rity of the people in this country, I am anxious to render it efficient for those objects. I feel convinced, also, that its stability depends on a more general perception of the spiritual and temporal blessings it is calculated to diffuse. Thus I would deal with it in the " friendly temper" of one, who would reform in order to nphold. A great contemporaneous authority, who cannot be suspected of a wish to destroy the church of Ireland, but who seeks, on the contrary, to strengthen its claim to public sup- port, says, in his late Manifesto, that, " if by an improved distribution of the revenues of that church, its just influence can be extended, and the true interests of religion promoted, — all other considerations should be made subordinate to the advancement of objects of such paramount importance." Now, if I would apply the same remedy to the Church in England, with what front can any man, who worships the authority I have cited, pre- tend that I seek the destruction of that Church, in which, as a member of it, I take a deeper interest. But, such are the disastrous absurdities of a desperate faction— now making their last— dying— convulsive grasp at political power— and reckless,— in their attempt to coerce public opinion,— of all those fearful consequences, which I solemnly adjure you to assist in averting. The principle I would thus apply to the Church, is the only true Conservative principle. Are not we, then, the Real Conservatives ? or can those more justly claim that title, who, abandoning a name associated with political degradation, have adopted this,— to which they have alike attracted ridicule and odium ?— We would destroy their engines— Corrup tion, and Monopoly. In that sense we are, indeed, " Destructives." But what is the va- lue of such terms in the vocabulary of men like these ? They denounced as " Revolution- ary," that Reform Act, which their Leader now recognizes as a final settlement of the ques- tion ;— a just settlement of course, for he will not, it seems, amend it. I feel some respect for the confidence of those Tories, who manfully disclose their real principles, and have too much honour to mislead any man. They must be sincere in believing that such prin ciples are become popular;— you will undeceive them. But I cannot conceal my unqua- lified contempt for the political pirates, who, after a constant war of force and stratagem against the standard of Reform, now meanly counterfeit our signals, to seduce and betray the confiding victims of a wretched artifice. If they be, indeed. Real Reformers, we have need, either of their aid, or of a New Parliament; but Heaven defend us from such Reforms as they would give us ! We consider " proved abuses," what they deem indis- pensable to protect their system ; and we would uphold as the* safeguards of our liberty, what they would denounce as " real grievances,"— straightway to be redressed. While they would leave the Church, and all other our most valuable Institutions, to perish by the corruption which ministers to their own private or political aggrandizement;— we would so cleanse them from this corruption, and so restore their powers of contributing to the ge- neral stock of religion— of virtue— and of social happiness,— as might effectually recom- mend them to the anxious protection of a prosperous and contented people The two contending principles are thus before you. The King refers the decision be- tween them to the Electoral Body of the Realm. The Reform Act has transferred the responsibility of that decision from the Sovereign— to yourselves. Distracted by conflict- ing statements with regard to the condition of public feeling, His Majesty applies to it the constitutional test, which you implored him— and he consented to establish. You will diecde, whether you will retain an effective voice in the legislature, or leave yourselves in j the hands of a party content with such moral support as the timidity or prejudices of the Peers may afford them, in counteracting the real wants and wishes of the People. Let the People be firm ! Let public opinion be now strongly pronounced upon the policy to be hereafter adopted, and I doubt not that the Peers will then, substantially and cheerfully, conform to the views of their Countrymen thus recorded, without any compromise of their Constitutional value, weight, or independence, as a Chamber of Parliament. I have thought it right at such a moment, fully to explain my general views. For a more detailed exposition of them, I would refer to the first address which recommended me to your favor, in June, 1S32. If any man can discover inconsistency between my sub- sequent conduct and the sentiments then, or now expressed, it will be your duty to reject me- as unfit to represent you at a period, when issues are depending vital to the destinies of the British Nation. If, however, you shall still deem me worthy of your confidence, I am incapable cf swerving from the principles which have hitherto guided my public con- duct, and which I firmly believe to be entertained, also, by an immense majority of this truly loyal People. FINALLY; as Trustees for the whole Community of this Land, you will, 1 am persuaded, anxiously exert yourselves, to exclude from political power, those who opposed the very franchise, they now call on you to exercise in their favor, and of which they would glad- ly— if they dared— even yet deprive you. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your attached Friend and faithful Servant, GEORGE TENNYSON. Park Street, Westminster, Dec. 27th, 1834. TO THE ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF FINSBURY. Gentlemen,—- Parliament is now dissolved. I am anxious therefore again to address you, and to state briefly and explicitly the grounds on which I solicit the honour of your suffrages on this occasion. I have always considered the Septennial Act an infringement upon the Constitution, and shall therefore advocate a return to Triennial Parliaments. I am a friend to the Ballot, as experience has convinced me that Elections under the present mode of voting cannot be conducted free from the influence of power and intimidation. I do not consider the present Rate Paying Clauses in the Reform Act as a fair criterion for enfranchisement, I am therefore an advocate for their repeal. I consider the Tythe system most pernicious, whether taken in connexion with Religion or with the Interests of the Country, and I shall therefore seek the Abolition of Tythes, by a fair commutation. < I consider the Corn Laws a Landlords' Monopoly, and am therefore for their gradual but early and certain repeal. . I consider the present state of the Irish Church to be an abuse which demands instant redress, and I maintain that the Surplus Revenues after supplying the spiritual wants of the Protestant Population are at the disposal of Parliament. I consider it both unjust and impolitic that any civil distinctions whatever should exist on account of Religious opinions, I wish therefore to have all the grievances of the Dis- senters immediately redressed, more particularly their exclusion from the Universities, and liability to Church Rates in any shape whatever. I shall take every occasion to assist in doing away with Flogging in the Army and Navy, a species of torture, which ought to be unknown to the English Laws. I am for the Reform of Corporations, and for giving the people the periodical Election of their Municipal Officers. I am for a revision of the Pension List. I shall always urge the severest economy in the public expenditure, with a view to re- lieve the Industrious Classes of the Community from those Taxes which press so injuriously upon them, and particularly from the Window Tax. Finally— The character and composition of the present Ministry, whose names are now before you, leave no doubt in my mind that they must oppose all measures of real and efficient Reform. I shall therefore think it my duty, if elected your Representative, to give the present Ministry my uncompromising and unqualified opposition in Parliament. With gratitude for the cordial manner in which I have been aheady received by you, I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your faithful and obedient servant, 11, Pall Mall, Dec. 31, 1834. HENRY WILLIAM HOBHOUSE TO THE INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF THE METROPOLITAN BOROUGH OF FINSBURY. Gentlemen,— I now address you as your Representative: I may again immediately solicit your suffrages in my former character as a Candidate. An extraordinary and un- paralleled change in the Executive Government of the country has just been effected, sim- ply because the sentiments of the first reformed Parliament were not in accordance with the political views of the Court and Tory Peers. The King, in the exercise of a constitu- tional and undoubted prerogative, has dismissed from his confidence and councils the Liberal Cabinet of Lord Melbourne, a Ministry from which the people hoped and were pro- mised the important and inevitable results of the amendment of the representative system. The electors of this great nation have, however, the power of controlling the prerogative of the Sovereign, by the exercise of the great constitutional privilege of representation. The Reform Bill wrested that privilege from the usurpation of the boroughmongers. If the Sovereign choose Ministers at variance with " the spirit of the times," they will be outvoted and expelled from office by those representatives of the people who faithfully dis- charge their duty to their constituents. Electors of Finsburv,— The King has called to his Councils an exclusive class of public- men:— Sir Robert Peel, Loul Lvndhurst, Mr. A. Baring, Sir George Murray, Mr. Goulburn, Sir Edward Knatchbull, The Duke of Wellington, Mr. Herries. The Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Ellenborough, Lord Wharncliffe, Lord Rosslyn. These are the old " rank and file " of the Duke of Wellington and the Tories, men who have ever been the consistent and uncom- promising enemies of liberal opinions and liberal measures. They are the old Tories— the bitter opponents of Parliamentary Reform. Will the electors of Finsbury, indebted for their enfranchisement to the Administration of Lord Grey, now put their faith or trust in these Tory Ministers, all of whom when in Parliament ( in the years 1831 and 1832) oppos- ed not only the Reform Bills of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, but especially the representative rights of the metropolitan electors ? If the Tories turn Reformers, the King has uselessly changed not measures but men.— If they do not adopt the liberal principles of their predecessors in office, can they carry on for three months the government of this country ? If they play the part of Conformed, ought such Ministers to be trusted to work out the objects of a Reformed House of Com- mons— the very constitution of which has been, to the present moment, the object of their increasing opposition and virulent condemnation? But, gentlemen, they cannot be Reformers: it is not in their nature; their conversion is impossible. Already the Tory Journals exemplify their spirit by the epithet of " Destructives" applied to the Reformers, although Reformers seek only the regeneration of our national institutions. Electors of Finsbury,— If Parliament be dissolved, I again ask your confidence and your votes. I shall present myself before you, and shall be anxious to afford to every elector the public opportunity of canvassing my Parliamentary conduct. My political principle* are known to you by my recorded votes in four Parliaments. I am as I have ever been, for 1 2 FIGARO IN LONDON. triennial Parliaments, Vote by Ballot, and for the reform of the existing defects of the re- presentation. I am the advocate of a thorough church reform for England. I am for a full relief of Dissenters of every persuasion. I will do my utmost to obtain justice for Ireland. If again elected as yoxir representative, I shall vote for corporation reform, for the abolition of useless places and unmerited pensions, for the reduction of taxation, and for every re- formation in our social institutions demanded by time and the interests of the people. I am a candidate for your continued confidence, singly on my own individual political merits. I ask only one of your two votes. I will form no coalition. I desire only for my colleague the best Reformer of your choice, and I am ever your faithful servant, Arlington- street, Dec. 16, IS34. THOMAS DUNCOMBE. ADVERTISEMENTS. NEW HOLIDAY PRESENTS. Just published, handsomely bound, and richly illustrated by CKUIKSHANK, SEYMOUR and BONNER. 1. HPHE ODD VOLUME; or, Book of Variety. 16s. morocco, gilt edges. 2. CnuixsiiANK " AT HOME!" 3 vols, ( sold separate), 14s. each. 3. CRUIKSHANK'S CABINET LIBRARY : an Evergreen of Fun. 3 vols., 18s. bound. 4. SEYMOUR'S COMIC ALBUM for 1835: or, Entertaining Museum. 7s. morocco. 5. KIDD'S GUIDE to the " LIONS" of LONDON. 4S. 6d. morocco, gilt edges. 6. MARY OGILVIE : a Tale. Sixth Edition, 5s. bound. 7. THE PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 110 engravings, 9s. bound. 8. A TOUR ROUND the SOUTHERN COAST of ENGLAND. 420 engravings, 2 vols., 30s morocco, gilt edges. W. Kidd, 14, Chandos- street, West Strand. Popular Works Published by W Strange, 21, Paternoster Row. BUCKSTONE'S DRAMAS. VOL. I, PRICE 7s. 6d., Contains the following Popular Dramas, and which may be purchased separately, price One Shilling each:— THE Wreck Ashore; Victorine, or, I'll Sleep on it; The May Queen; Henriette the Forsaken; The Pet of the Petticoats; and Rural Felicity. Each number is embellished with a Vignette of a Favourite Scene, and an Elegantly Engraved PORTRAIT of MR. BUCKSTONE, from a Drawing by MAC CLISE. The Portrait alone is worth the price of the volume."— The Times. Also just published, forming the early Nos. of Vol. 2, ^ The CHRISTENING ; the popular Adelphi Farce, playing nightly with the utmost applause. The Comedy of MARRIED LIFE ; as performed at the Theatre Royal, Haymarket, and which has obtained the honour of translation into the German and French languages. ISABELLE ; OR, WOMAN'S LIFE ; the highly interesting Drama as per- formed with unbounded applause at the Adelphi Theatre, will be ready in a few days, which will speedily be followed by AGNES DE VERE; OR, THE BROKEN HEART; and other successful Dramas by the same author. Also just published, in two vols, price 7s. 6d. each, embellished with numerous etchings, LAYS AND LEGENDS OF VARIOUS NATIONS, Illustrative of their Customs, Traditions, Superstitions, & c. BY W. J. THOMS. May be had also in separate Parts, price 2s. 6d. each. OWIE'S PRINTERS' POCKET- BOOK AND MANUAL, PRICE 2S. 6d. " The title of this worn is fully borne out by its contents. 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