OWN " IN TOWN, OUT OF TOWN— ALL THE WORLD OYER. Ho. 20 iUlfBAY, MAY 13, Price ^< 1. T HEATRE ROYAL, DRURY- LANE.— To- morrow Evening, The Play of THE WINTER'S TALE. After which, CATHERINE AND PETRUCIIIO. The whole to conclude with THE WATERMAN. Being for the benefit of Mr. Macready. Tuesday, the new play of The Merchant of Loudon. Wednesday, The Merchant ofVenice. Shylock, Mr. Kean, his first and only appearance this season. • . Thursday, The Historical Play of Alfred the Great, elude with Masaniello. . Friday, Speed the Plough. And The Bride of Ludgate. To con- N ~ EW STRAND THEATRE.— On Monday eve- nine will be presented the popular drama called LUKE THE LABOURER. After which a Farcetla called HOW TO DIE FOR LOVE. To which will be added a Musical piece, entitled THE PURSE. The whole to conclude with the highly successful extravaganza called THE JUDGMENT OF PARIS. Venus, Miss Somerville. Paris, Miss Forde. Being for the benefit of Mr. Gallot. Tuesday, How to die for Love. With a favourite Comedietta. The Judgment of Paris. And a new Burlesque, entitled The Hump- back. Wednesday, A popular Drama. The Long linn. Humpback. Thursday, Perfection, Kate O'Brien, Mrs. W aylett, and Sister. Four Sisters. And Of Age To- morrow. Being for the benefit of Mr. Forrester. Commence at seven. Half subscription a quarter before nine. And The Brother THE COLOSSEUM, REGENT'S PARK. THE Proprietors of these Magnificent Exhibitions respectfully invite the attention of the Public to the Reduced Price of Admission to the following objects of attraction, viz.— To the whole Interior of the Building, containing the Panorama of London and its Environs, as seen from three galleries, the Saloon of Arts, the Ball and Cross from St. Paul's Cathedral, and View from the Summit, ONE SHILLING. . To the Conservatories, Fountain, Marine Cavern, Swiss Cottage Alpine Scenery, Waterfalls, he. & c., ONE SHILLING. Just published, MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM SAMPSON, an Irish Exile. Written by Himself. Containing an Account of his banishment, his imprisonment in the Inquisition at Lisbon, and his subsequent adventures in various parts of Europe. With an introduction, detailing the causes which led to the Irish Insurrection of 1798 ; and Notes, by the Author of the " History of the Civil Wars of Ireland." This volume forms the thirty- third of a work, now publishing in volumes, in 12mo. 6s., and 18mo. 3s. 6d. lettered, entitled AUTOBIOGRAPHY; a collection of ihe most instructive and amuSlngLives ever published. Written by the parties themselves. With original introductions and sequels. Both general and particular title- pages are supplied, so that any Life may be obtained complete, separately ; a portrait of each • writer is given, whenever a sufficiently authentic likeness can be procured. . Besides other advantages, this series will include cheap editions of many scarce and curious works, which cannot at present be ob- tained without considerable trouble, even at high prices. Vol. I. Colley Cibber. II. Hume, Lilly, Voltaire. III. & IV. Marmontel. V. Robert Drury. VI. George Whitfield, James Ferguson. VII. Mary Robinson, Charlotte Charke. VIII. Lord Herbert of Cherbury, Prince Eugene of Savoy. IX. and X. Augustus Von Kotzebue. XI. John Creichton, William Gilford, Thomas Elwood. XII. Lewis Holberg. XIII. James Hardy Vanx. XIV. & XV. Edward Gibbon. XVI. & XVII. Benvenuto Cellini. XVIII. James Lackington ( with his confessions). XIX. Theobald Wolfe Tone. XX. & XXI. Margravine of Bareith. XXII. Bubh Doddington. XXIII. & XXIV. Goldoni. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. k XXVIII. Vidocq, XXIX. XXX. XXXI. & XXXII. Madame du Barri. " It was a happy idea which led lo the incorporation of all the most interesting Lives, by the subjects themselves, in one uniform series of volumes."— Atlas. " No description of reading comes so near works of fiction and fascination as biography ; and of all kinds of biography, autobio- graphy, written with talent, and in the spirit of frankness, is at once the most delightful to the general reader, and the most instruc- tive to the philosopher who studies the springs of action in human character.'— Scotsman. Whittaker, Treacher, and Co., Ave Maria- lane. CONTRACTS FOR COALS AND CANDLES. • Commissariat Department, Treasury Chambers, 8th May, 1832. THOSE Persons who may be desirous of contract- ing with Ihe Agent for Commissariat Supplies, to furnish, from the lst July next to the 30th June, 1833, such quantities of Coals and Candles as may from time to time be required, for Barracks and Ordnance Stations in the undermentioned Counties and Islands, can receive particulars of the Contracts on applying at this Office between the hours of ten and four ; and to the respective Barrack Masters in the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and Alderney ; and deliver their Tenders at this Office, as follows, viz. : — Tenders for supplying Coals, sealed up and marked " Tender for Coals," until twelve o'clock on Tuesday, the 5th June. Tenders for supplying Candles, sealed up and marked " Tender for Candles," until twelve o'clock on Thursday, the 7th June ; but no proposal, either for Coals or Candles, will be noticed, unless made on, or annexed to, a printed particular, and the prices inserted in words at length ; nor unless a letter be subjoined to such pro- posals from two persons of known property, engaging to become hound with the party tendering, in the sum expressed in the par- ticulars, for the due performance of the Contract. Tenders to he made for the several Counties, and separate Bar- racks and Stations, as specified in the particulars of contracts. COUNTIES, & c. Berks Isle of Man Suffolk Brecknock Isle of Wight Somerset Chester Kent Surrey Cornwall Lancaster Sussex Cumberland Middlesex Warwick Devon Norfolk York Dorset Northumberland North Britain Durham Northampton Islands of Guernsey, Essex Nottingham Jersey, and Al- Hants Pembroke derney REVIEWS. Arlington, a Novel.. In three vols > supply the following articles for the use of ARMY CONTRACTS. Commissariat Department, Treasury Chambers, lst May, 1882. NOTICE is hereby given to all Persons desirous of contracting to supply the the Army, viz.: — BREAD— To his Majesty's Land Forces in Cantonments, Quar ters, and Barracks, in the undermentioned Counties.— Chester, Devon, Dorset, Durham, Lancaster, Leicester, Norfolk, Oxford Sussex, Warwick, York; and in the several Counties in North Britain. OATS— To his Majesty's Cavalry and Artillery Horses in Can tonments, and Quarters, in the undermentioned Counties :— Bed ford, Chester, Cornwall, Cumberland, Durham, Essex, Hunts, Lancaster, Norfolk, Northumberland, Oxford, York. FOKAGE, viz.— Oats, Hay, and Straw, to his Majesty's Cavalry and Artillery Horses in Barracks, in the undermentioned Court ties in South Britain :— Berks, Essex, Lancaster, Norfolk, North thampton, Nottingham, Suffolk. That the deliveries are to commence on and for the first day of July next ; that proposals in writing, sealed up and marked " Tender for Army Supplies," will be received at this Office on or before Thursday the seventh day'of June next ; but none will be received after eleven o'clock on that day. Proposals must be made separately for each county, except for the several counties in North Britain, all of which must be included in one Tender ; and each proposal must have the letter which is annexed to the Tender properly filled up by two persons of known property engaging to become bound with the party tendering in the amount stated in the printed particulars, for the due performance of the contract ; and no proposal will be noticed unless made on a printed Tender, and the prices expressed in words at length ; and should it so happen, that during the continuance of the contract no Troops should be supplied by virtue of the same, the amount of ihe stamps on Ihe contract and hond, paid in the first instance by the contractor, will be refunded to liitn. N. B.— It is particularly desired that persons wishing to Tender, will not make use of any Forms but those recently printed, which may he had upon application at this office, between the hours of ten and four. MAGNIFICENT EXHIBITION of CABINET FURNITURE.— GRAHAM and Co. are now exhibiting the most Splendid STOCK of superior made CABINET FUR- NITURE in the United Kingdom, which affords the Nobility and Fami'ies of taste an opportunity of selection no where else to be found. Ladies and Gentlemen who are about to form new esta- blishments on a splendid and costly style, are invited to inspect a variety of articles now " finishing to order,'' amongst which will be found many choice specimens of superior workmanship, in articles adapted to the Drawing- room, Dining- room, Boudoir, Library, and Bed room. The following articles may also be selected, with- out a moment s delay, on such a scale of economy as no other house in the country has ever pretended to accomplish :— Solid rosewood chairs Ditto ditto couches Ditto ditto sofas Handsome rosewood loo tables Ditto ditto card tables Ditto ditto . cbeffionieres Ditto ditto occasional tables Splendid solid Spanish mahogany dining tables Ditto ditto chairs Ditto ditto sofas and couches Magnificent winged wardrobes Ditto smaller sizes Mahogany four- post bedsteads Splendid rosewood cabinets, with marble slabs Music stands and canterburys Rosewood and mahogony fire screens Grained rosewood chairs, an ex- traordinary bargain 70 handsome chimney glasses, the cheapest in Europe, and the prices marked in plain figures 200 excellent bed- room chairs, from 2s. to 3s. 6d. each 12 well- made side- hoards, for small rooms, at five, six, and seven guineas each An immense choice of stands, & c. ancy tal ., & c. very Any Nobleman or Gentleman may see three of the most splendid articles of furniture in England, viz.: a sideboard twelve feet long, a set of dining- tables fifteen feet Jong, and a wardrobe eight feet long. Adjoining the cabinet exhibition, will be found the largest and most splendid stock of Carpets in Europe. Graham » nd Co-, Manufacturers, High Holbwp, Jto, g93, 294, and 295. THE MIRROR OF PARLIAMENT. It is presumed that, with reference to the unexampled inte- rest and excitement which have already been created, and are likely to be called into action for many years to come, not only with re- gard lo the great question of Reform, but to those questions of Ec- clesiastical and Mercantile Polity, which, besides the affairs of the Established Church, and the East and West India Interests, involve, more or less, the well- being of every community in the Kingdom ;— the anxiety of the British Public has been universally aroused lo the necessity of securing a permanent Record, without curtailment, favour, or bias, of all the discussions of their Legislature, both private aud on public business. Ii having been determined, at the suggestion of numerous sub- scribers, including several Peers and Members of Parliament, that it is necessaiy— wilh a view to the more extensive circulation of this only complete, authenticated, and recognized Report of the Speeches delivered in both Houses, at the present eventful crisis—- that the " Mirror of Parliament" should be-— lst.— Reduced in price— so as to render itaccessible lo all classes and all parties in Ihe State, most interested in the proceeding! of the Lords and Commons. 2dly.— Disseminated to all parts of the British Empire, twice a week— The Proprietors respectfully announce that arrangements have been completed, which enable them, for the future, effectually to accom- plish each of these objects. 1. The whole of each week's Debates, in both Houses, is now published during the Session 011 the following Saturday and Wed- nesday ; being divided into two Numbers. 2. Owing to the warm support which all among the principal and influential members of the State— the Legislature, the Learned Professions, the Mercantile Body, & c., & c have voluntarily come forward to render to this undertaking, the Proprietors have also the pleasure of announcing that the Subscription will be charged 011 the following reduced terms— namely :— FIVE SHILLINGS per week, during the Session of Parliament. The Work will continue to be printed on Foolscap folio. Ordets and Advertisements addressed to Mr. DEACON, 15, Furnivall's Inn, will meet attention. N. B. No single Part will in future be disposed of to any but Subscribers ; and any Subscribers desirous of obtaining extra Copies of any Night's Debate, are requested to transmit their orders on the day immediately following such Debate. - By the Author of Granby. Colburn and Bentley. This book is called a Novel; at least the title- page claims this designation. But very limited are its pretensions to it. It is a production in the Tremayne school; disquisitional, discussional, and drowsy, though possessing these qualifications in a far less degree than its ' celebrated predecessor. It is an androgynous creation— half essay, half fiction; the work of a man of sense, of observation, and refinement, but not of imagination, fancy, or feeling. We speak of the general character of the book ; for in por- tions of it there is a playfulness and vivacity, so utterly dis - similar to the prevailing tone, that we are half inclined to sus- pect, the report which attributes them to the pen of Mrs. Lister, an accomplished woman, is not wholly without foundation. They enliven several pages; but they do not altogether harmonize with the rest. The plot of this novel is very meagre. The commencement and termination are likely to be the most, popular portion of it; for the first is a murder, and the last a marriage— two events pecu- liarly congenial to our national taste. There is no mystery in the plot, and so little interest in its development, that if we were to publish the fortune of the hero and the heroine, the most in veterate romance- reader could not be offended with us. In compensation for these deficiencies, there is much discrimina- tion of character, knowledge of the world, some elegance of ex- pression, and many sensible remarks on our political and social institutions ; as the following extracts will show : There is, perhaps, no part of England which, at the present time, furnishes an abundant display of provincial peculiarities, among the gentry of the land ; and they who hold forth such an idea speak rather of that which has been, than of that which is Facility of communication has so liberalised, so moulded all into one com non stamp of plain good breeding, that it is not always very easy to distinguish those who have had every social advan tage from those who have passed a life of comparative seclusion, Not only have the Westerns of other days disappeared from among us, but even shades of coarseness, infinitely more sof- tened, are very rarely to be met with ; and searely any remain but such as belong to individual character, rather than to the mode and station of life— to the humourist, in short, rather than to the bumpkin. He would be giving a false picture of the present age, who should attempt to exhibit any very broad and strongly defined differences between the secluded country gentle- man and the most polished man of the world. " Hence it is that modern society has become less applicable to the purposes of the drama. We not only want the marked external distinctions which formerly existed, but a more uniform tone of expression and thought now runs throughout the world. We want, in reality, the salient points which on the stage would captivate an audience : and a strong dramatic effect can scarcely be produced but by exhibiting that which is no longer found in actual life." **##*#**# " But the chapter of accidents was not yet closed ; and it was Davison's lot to be again the cause of mirth. He had a scene with Miss Saville in the first act, and he had another rather like it in the second. Flurried by the ridicule which his previous appearance had excited, he lost his presence of mind, and in the midst of his scene in the first act, quite unconsciously glided into a speech in his scene in the second act. Miss Saville, whose mechanical memory was guided more by the cue than by the sense, immediately furnished the corresponding reply from her part in the second act, and on went Davison very glibly with a long rejoinder. " In the midst of this was heard from the prompter a most unseemly exclamation of ' Where the devil are you ?' " All stared, Davison included, and he paused for a second or two, and then went on as fluently as before. ' Stop him 1 exclaimed the prompter. " ' Pray stop him I' said Mrs. Temple. " ' Stop him, for God's sake, some of you I' said Denbigh. " Davison looked aghast on either side, as if to see whether some wild animal were running loose behind the scenes ; but perceiving that the cry was directed to him, he advanced, with an air of injured dignity, to the front of the stage, and desired to know why he was to be s'topped. " ' Because, my dear Sir,' said Denbigh, ' at the rate you are going, you will finish the play alone. You are already" in the second act.' " Davison stared incredulously for a moment, then clapped his hand to his forehead as if he recollected, gave a loud laugh to conceal his mortification, and ran off the stage to refresh his memory from the prompter's book. " He soon returned, and all proceeded smoothly ; though, when they came to the kneeling part, Davison would not kneel, but only slightly bent his knee, for fear, he said, of making Miss Saville laugh, though in fact this effect was more thoroughly pro- duced both in her and others by the ridiculous inappropriateness of her next words, ' Rise, Sir I' to the gentleman already stand- ing at her elbow. " The rest of the play was very satisfactorily accomplished ; and then followed the afterpiece of ' The Sleepwalker,' selected display the versatile powers of Mr. Folliott, who was pro- starting up from his chair and looking as wide awake as possible. Some who were present did not know that this was not in the play ; but the prompter and the stage- manager loudly called out ' Order!' " ' Ladies and gentlemen," said Folliott, coming forward with the powder- puff in his hand, ' if my friend there won't sleep on and be powdered, I can't help it : he accuses me most strangely of powdering him with snuff.' It is snuff,' said Cleveland, sneezing again very loudly in confirmation of his words. " ' Let the powder be examined,' said the stage- manager ; and it was handed to him accordingly, and it immediately was ascer- tained by the smell that a considerable quantity of very fine light- coloured Scotch or Irish snuff had been mixed with it. " ' This is an aggravated affair,' said Denbigh, ' we must have a court of enquiry for the detection of the offender. Meanwhile, as soon as the sneezing subsides, let the performers go to sleep, again, and the play proceed.' " The last extract is a specimen of the light portion of the work, in which there is much amusement: we wish that more of it had partaken of the same character ; but, alas, four- fifths of the last volume are wholly didactic— essays on solitude, aristocracy, knowledge, church, and state. We question whether it is judicious to give to a work of this description the title of A Novel. We should laugh at the man who wrote " confectionery" over his door, and sold nothing hut beef and mutton. Yet this has been Mr. Lister's course. He pretends to be the confectioner, but in reality is the butcher of our literature. Much of what he has written is sensible and useful; but we cannot deny that it is not entertaining. Mr. Lister circulates much in society; and if he had thought more of his reader, and less of displaying his own talents for observation and profound reflection, he might have availed him- self more happily of the materials he must possess, and have produced a more instructive, because a more amusing, book. We say more instructive, because more amusing, for we doubt whether rational dulness is ever read by any but an unfortunate Mr. Lister may consider that dissertations on parliaments, manners, and society, denote a higher order of mind in the, writer than the invention of an agreeable and sustained interest. But we question whether it does not demand a much superior talent to create a perfect fiction, than a perfect essay. We will go further, and assert that it requires more real philosophy, more comprehensive knowledge of the open and secret workings of the mind, to produce such a romance as Ivanhoe, than the most acute treatise extant, whether ou " Man" or " Things." Yet in this beautiful Novel no obtrusive disquisition, no mental in- vestigation, no profound reflection, ever stalks forth in solemn stateliness for the important purpose of proving to the reader that the author can think. Nations in their earliest commencement have invariably pos- sessed their philosophers, their casuists, their reasoners on causes, their peseurs d'eeufs de mouche dans des balances de toile d'arraignee; but the maturity of intellect alone, regardless of the examination of principles, boldly combines and arranges re- sults. History shews that at all times a love of theory and analysis has been a constant attendant on imperfect knowledge : as civilisation advances, men prefer rather to practise than to reason. We hope that we have said enough to convince Mr. Lister that a gentleman may be the author of a Novel which does not pretend to philosophy, and yet not be considered devoid of mind. Let him reflect on this advice, offered with good feeling and good intentions ; and, for the future, instead of attempting to afficher his penetration in every page, let his management of his plot and characters be the only proof that their author has an inti- mate knowledge of the human heart. If, however, he cannot, or is unwilling to, adopt this advice, let him resign his profes- sion of novelist, and confine his writings to criticisms in the Edinburgh or any other Review. The Byron Gallery. We noticed last week Finden's Illustrations of Lord Byron's • Life and Works. The Byron Gallery, part first, commencing another series of illustrations of the Noble Poet, now lies before us. Both publications worthily illustrate the imperishable monu- j ments of the genius of Byron, and, from their difference of planet rather co- operate than interfere with each other. The former; consists of landscape and architectural views and portraits ; the latter presents to the eye, with great felicity of conception and. beauty of design and engraving, the poetical characters which figure most prominently in Lord Byron's works. The opening number contains illustrations from The Bride of Abydos, Man- fred, The Two Foscari, Don Juan, and Beppo. TONGUES OF SUPERIOR QUALITY. Tongues for side dishes, or breakfast, Small 3s. 6d. each ; large smoked, or pickled tongues, 5s. to 6s. 6d. ; Russia ox tongues, 2s. each ; prime Yorkshire hung beef, 16d. per lb. German sau- sages, honeycomb parmesan and ripe Stilton cheese ; anchovy paste very fine anchovy fish for sandwiches, 2s. 6d. per lb. jar; and every oilier article of the first quality, connected with the Italian and Grocery Trade, at HOW and CHEVERTON'S, the London Western Mart, No, ? 1, corner of Charlotte and Goodge stresis, Fitzroy square, to nounced to be very like Mathews— so very like that, though it was quite unnecessary, he even introduced a little . of that great actor's natural lameness. He was rather discomposed when he looked over the properties, and found that he had nothing but a sham fowl to compare to the skull of Alexander. " ' What, no dressed fowl at a dressed rehearsal 1' said he, ra- ther indignantly ; and he was louder in his complaints, because he thought his joke a good one. " The afterpiece commenced, and Mr. Folliott was considered ' perfect.' During his grand scene, while he is parading the stage in his sleep, reciting scraps from various plays, and intro- ducing his imitations of various performers, an attorney, repre- sented by that useful man, Mr. Cleveland, was to be sitting asleep in a chair ; and on his head it was Folliott's part to ope- rate with a powder puff. He commenced, and the sleeping Cleveland instantly sneezed. This might be all right, and peo- ple laughed ; but the sleeper sneezed again and again, and imme- diately a curious colloquy might be heard between the man fast asleep in his chair, and the Sleepwalker who was powdering him. " Don't sneeze again,' said Folliott. ' D— n it, it is as bad as three morning guns.' " ' I— a- hitch— can't help it,' said Cleveland. " ' You must,' said Folliott. " ' I can't— a- hitch— it's snuff.' " ' It's not, it's powder.' « ' By G— it's snuff, and I won't bear it,' said Cleveland, FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. The important events occurring at home leave us but littl* space for foreign news. It luckily happens, however, that there is no intelligence of any great moment from abroad to make us regret the want of space. With respect to the cholera, an in- crease of 13 occurred in the number of deaths in Paris on the 7th instant ( as compared with those of the preceding day) ; but - the number of cures were augmented by 92 over those men- tioned in the report of the day before. The last reports of M. Casimir Perier's health are decidedly favourable, and give hopes of his being able eventually to return to office. A steam- vessel, which, it is supposed, had on board the Duchess de Berri—( there seems to be no doubt of the fact)—- has been captured off Marseilles, and sent to Corsica. The French Papers contain an official assurance that the Aus- trians had begun to withdraw their troops from the Papal States as soon as they understood that a portion of the French had already evacuated Ancona. A report prevailed at Paris of the death of the Duke of Reichstadt, Napoleon's son, at Vienna, but it was not well au- thenticated. The German Papers had, in their last accounts, described this young Prince as in a very dangerous state of health. The Carlist conspiracy at Marseilles has turned out a most paltry and contemptible affair. It was put down by a sergeant's guard, and erfect tranquillity now reigns in that city. 154 THE TOWHT. May IS. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF LORDS, MONDAY, MAY 7. Several petitions were presented, amongst which were the peti- tion of the lord mayor, aldermen, and common council of the city of London, in favour of tiie reform bill, by the Duke of Sussex, and a similar one from the inhabitants of tbe city of Edinburgh and its vicinity by the Lord Chancellor. REFORM BILL.— On the motion of Earl GREY, tbe House then resolved itself into a committee on the reform bill. Earl Grey, after some preliminary observations, said, he understood that there were noble lords who, admitting the principle of the disfranchisement, were of opinion that the number of boroughs to he disfranchised should not be fixed until the schedule A had been considered. To obviate such objections, it was his intention, • when the committee came to that part of the first clause in which the number fifty- six was mentioned, to propose the omission of the word " fifty- six." The clause would then stand,—" That each of the boroughs enumerated in the schedule A should cease to return any member or members to serve in parliament." This seemed to hiiu to be the more regular course of proceeding; a course more congenial to the character of the measure, as well as calculated to obviate the objections made to tbe construction of the clause as it then stood. At present, however, he should only move that the title and preamble of the bill be postponed. They were accord- ingly postponed.— Lord LYNDHURST then rose. The noble earl bad intimated his intention to propose an alteration in the first clause of the bill. He ( Lord Lyndhurst) rose for the purpose of proposing the postponement ofthe clause altogether. If he should succeed in persuading their lordships to agree to that proposition he intended to follow it up by proposing that the consideration of the clause which immediately followed should also be postponed His object was to submit to their lordships the propriety of taking into consideration those clauses by which certain places not at pre- sent represented were to be allowed to send members to the House of Commons, and to determine what number of places should be enfranchised, before they entered into the consideration of what places should be disfranchised ; although by agreeing to the second reading of the bill their lordships had acknowledged its principles, they had not in the slightest degree fettered themselves as to the extent to which those principles should be carried. They had de- termined that there should be enfranchisement, disfranchisement, and an extension of the elective franchise, but they were perfectly free with respect lo their determination bow far those three prin- ciples should be carried. Tbe course which he recommended was, to begin by enfranchising— to begin by conferring rights and pri- vileges— to begin by granting boons and favours ; whereas, the course recommended by the noble earl was, to begin by disfran- chising— to begin by depriving a portion of tbe community of tbe rights and privileges which they at present enjoyed. After a fur- ther development of his plan, the noble lord concluded by moving, that the first clause of the bill should he postponed.— Tbe LORD CHANCELLOR said, be would not treat the proposition of his noble and learned friend as a mere question of order, or consider any vote which might be come to upon it otherwise than as an ex- pression of the feeling of the House upon that most important part Of the bill— the principle of disfranchisement itself ( loud cheers, and cries of no, no, from the opposition benches). If his noble and learned friend, instead of wrapping himself up in generals, had stated that he agreed to a large measure of reform— had stated that he agreed to schedule A, or something to a similar extent, but that he had rather schedules C or D should be first gone into, then indeed he might be disposed to entertain his proposition. But, so far from speaking of disfranchisement in any definite terms, so as to enable his Majesty's government to judge of the extent to which he and those who supported him were ready to go, or the time when they would be prepared to come to a decision upon that point— the object of his noble and learned friend ( or, at least, if that were not his object, his proposition had that tendency ) was, to keep that main part of tbe bill in its present unsettled state, or else to substitute something entirely new, leaving them in the dark t » to what was to be done. It was impossible for any person who did not shut his eyes to what was going on around hiin, not to see that this motion was— lie would not say devised by liis noble and learned friend for the purpose of catching the votes of all who were against the bill for any essential reason, or who bad objections to particular parts— but if not devised for that purpose, such at least was its tendency. From whom, too, did this motion come? From his noble and learned friend, who had avowed his open hostility to the measure— who had declared it to be in violation of tbe con- stitution—( cheers from the opposition). If those who opposed schedule A altogether succeeded ill postponing it till another of those schedules had been discussed, he knew well how it would fare with schedule A. If his noble friend intended to raise no objection eilher to the principle of schedule A or to its amount, but 01 ily to some of its details, wliv should he seek to postpone tbe clause, if it were ultimately to be carried substantially ? His noble and learned friend and his supporters were bound to show why this alteration should bemade; he had heard 110 such reasonto satisfy bis mind, and he should therefore give it his strongest and most decided opposition. — Lord IIARROWBY said his object in rising was, that lie might not be included amongst those who, in postponing this clause, meant to have it implied, in the smallest degree, that they ob- jected to the clause itself, or to the extent to which it went— if, after full consideration, their lordships should be of opinion that to that extent it ought to go. He denied tbat hostility to the bill could be attributed to bis noble and learned friend in moving for the postponement of this clause till after the discussion of another which naturally came before it. He trusted that their lordships would agree to that proposition, and that they would couie to a conclusion on this great question, which, until concluded, would effectually paralyze every effort which the country might be called on to make. ( Much cheering.)— Lord BEXLEY declared it to be liis intention to vote for the postponement.— The Earl of RADNOR said, that if noble lords were really disposed to pass tbe bill, they would object tothis postponement.— The Duke of WELLINGTON said, he had avowed himself to be the enemy ofthe bill. He had opposed its principles. ( Hear.) They might amend the bill they pleased; but,- in his opinion, with all the alterations they might make in its details, it never would prove otherwise than a measure fraught with evil. ( Cheers.) He bad opposed it consci- entiously and fearlessly whilst there was any chance of success ; but he would not oppose it factiously when the principle of the mea- sure had been decided on. The noble and learned lord ( Lyndhurst) had proved most satisfactorily, that both from analogy, and in compliance with the forms or law, they should confer the enfran- chisement before they proceeded to consider the point of disfran- chisement. Under such circumstances, therefore, convinced of its legality and propriety, and hearing 110 justifiable objection to it on the part of noble lords opposite, he felt it his duty to support the noble lord's motion, and he could tell their lordships, notwithstand ing what might be insinuated to the contrary, that it was not with any dirty view ( hear, hear) of getting rid of the bill by a side wind, or for tbe purpose of destroying its effect, that he supported that motion. ( Hear.)— Lord HOLLAND observed, he was fully convinced that the proposition of the learned lord was altogether in- consistent with reason, and utterly irreconcileable with the decision they had already come to, but at tbe same tinv it was fraught with the most bitter feeling of disappointment to the Commons, not taking that word merely in its common and accepted sense, but in that larger, and truer, and more constitutional sense— the Commons of England— the whole of the people of this country. ( Hear.)— The proposition was, he repeated, utterly irreconcileablc with rea- son, or with the late decision of that House on the principle of the bill. He would say this fearlessly, that the postponement of the disfranchisement clause was tantamonnt to a rejection of the principle ofthe bill. ( Hear.) The noble duke said the bill was revolutionary. But did they ever hear of a revolution that was nigh two years un- • der consideration ? ( Hear, and a laugh.) Who ever heard of a revolution being in committee? ( Hear, and a laugh.) When he heard noble lords descant so much on the new constitution, he really thought occasionally that he was transported to the chapel of Mr. Irving. ( Hear,- hear, and a laugh.) He acquitted the noble duke * and his friends of any intention to play any dirty trick with respect ' to the bill, but whether the proposition was dirty or clean, it was one which lie, by his vote, fell bound to give the most decided op position.— The Duke of NEWCASTLE avowed his decided hos Itility to the bill in every shape or stage ; and he, therefore, thought it of little consequence whether they proceeded to consider the enfranchising or disfranchising clauses.— Lord ELLENBOROUGH said both Houses of Parliament had assented to the principle of the bill. In that House the bill had been read a second time. He stood controlled by that vote. He had resisted to the last, but after that vote he felt bound as a peer of parliament to consider the bill in committee, to examine and sift its clauses, wilh a view to the adoption of a salutary measure of reform, and one which it might be safe for their lordships to pass, but reserving to himself the right, hen the report was brought up, of running the risk of rejecting the whole measure, should he find, on consideration, that he could not conscientiously give it his assent. Having thus recognized the principles of tbe bill, he would propose nothing, support nothing, inconsistent with the principle, aud he would even go further— he would support no proposition which went materially to alter the principle to which the House stood pledged. He felt it his duty to give the principle already agreed on tbe most extensive application, reserving only that right he claimed of rejecting the whole bill when amended—- as amended he knew it must be— should he find it more safe lo run the hazard of rejecting it than to pass it. He was pre- pared to deal with the present bill in perfect good faith, and to support its provisions as far as tiiey could be supported with any chance of carrying on the government of the country under their operation. With that view he for one was ready to propose, if the present motion was carried, that they should at once proceed to consider the places that were entitled to be enfranchised. He could assure the noble lords opposite, that there was nothing insidious in the motion, and nothing insidious in the intentions of his noble friend ; but he would vote for that motion because the principle was most valuable as a protection for those rights which had been conferred in past times, and a safeguard for those the parliament might be induced hereafter to confer. ( Hear, hear.)— The Earl of WINCHILSEA would give his support to the amendment.— Lord WHARNCLIFFE observed the proposition was to postpone ihe first clause till after tbe third clause was read, which would not defeat the principle of the bill. It was not intended to defeat the principle of the bill ; and he did not and would not concur in any proposition to mutilate or defeat the bill. In his opinion the pro- position went to make the bill safe. If the amendment succeeded he would vote for the whole of schedule A. and would not give his consent to any amendment which would reduce the amount of dis- franchisement. ( Hear.)— The Earl of HAREWOOD meant to give his support tothe proposition of his noble and learned friend. He had 110 idea that the object was to get rid of schedule A. and if it were he certainly would not join ill any such object.— Earl GREY said he hoped noble lords would not deceive themselves ; but he must say, that if the motion were successful, it would be fatal to the whole bill. He was pledged to the measure, not only from his conscientious conviction that its principles were sound, but also because those principles had received the approbation of the country. The principles to which he was pledged were disfran- chisement, enfranchisement, and the extension of the qualifica- tion. On the two first he was ready to listen to any objection which should be made as to the details, or as lo the justice of se- lecting particular places ; but he could not consent to any reduc- tion in the extent of either the proposed disfranchisement or en- franchisement. To the principle of the lOi. qualification, he felt himself irrevocably pledged, and he could admit of no alteration in that, other than such as might secure it from abuse; but lo any al- teration which, under the pretence of regulating it, should have the effect of taming or raising that qualification, he could not con- sent. He thought it necessary to say thus much, to show to what extent be was pledged. With regard to the motion of the noble and learned lord, he must say that he did not impute to the noble and learned lord any improper motives. If, from any circumstances, he should have been inclined to im- pute any such motives, the character and situation of Ihe noble and learned lord who brought it forward would not allow him to do so, for be could never believe that a person who held the high situ- ation of one of the Judges of tbe land could ever make himself the low instrument of parly ( hear, hear I) The noble lord who intro- duced the amendment stated that he remained of the same opinion he had before expressed, that the bill was incompatible with tbe existence of the government, and would destroy the constitution. Was this then the bill to which the noble and learned lord could give his consent? The noble baron too ( Lord Ellenborough) had fairly professed his opposition to the bill. He said he would make it as good as he could ; but the noble baron reserved to himself the right of voting against the bill after it was made as perfect as possi- b e. The noble duke spoke of taking all the mischief out of it if he could, but said he knew that ultimately it would be a most de- fective measure. How, then, with these sentiments— with these opinions— those who had voted against the bill, declaring that they would vote against it hereafter— could he act as he had been invited to act 1 It was not possible that hecould trust the measure in tbeir hands wilh any hope that it could be brought to such a conclusion as would satisfy his conscience and tbe just expectations of the public. When opinions are so divergent, union was impossible.— " Should the amendment be carried ( said the noble earl) it will be necessary for me to consider what course I shall take ( cheers from the ministerial side, repeated loudly from the opposition.) Noble lords deceive themselves, if they suppose that opinion in favour of this bill is relaxed ; and certainly 1 dread the effect of the House of Lords opposing itself as an insurmountable barrier to what the people think necessary for the good government of the country, and a sufficient representation." His lordship concluded by saying that, from the symptoms be had observed in tbe debate of this night, there seemed to be an intention to put difficulties in the way of a successful passing of the bill, which, he was afraid, it was not in his power to surmount. ( Cheers.) He had stated to their lord- ships his objections to the motion of the noble and learned lord, and having done so, he should say 110 more than that he should give to that motion his most determined opposition. ( Cheers.) [ A correspondent of The Times stales, " There is evidently a misunderstanding of Lord Grey's words. At the conclusion of his first speech, his lordship is reported by all the papers to have said, that ( there seemed to be an intention to put difficulties in the way of a successful passing of tbe bill, which he was afraid it was not in his power to surmount.' The context was evidently, 4 not able to overcome in that house ;' and I believe his lordship even it to be his duty to propose that the further consideration of the bill in committee be postponed until Thursday.— Lord ELLEN- BOROUGH much regretted that tbe noble earl bad thought pro- per to make that proposition of an adjournment of the committee till Thursday, for that motion drove him ( Lord Ellenborough) to the necessity of explaining tbat night those views and intentions which he should much rather have laid in detail before the House to- morrow ; but be was now placed in such a situation that be felt he owed to the House, to the noble friends with whom he acted, as well as to himself, to state tbat he intended to propose disfran- chisement to the extent of 113 members. He had further to add, wilh respect to the 10/. qualification, that lie should not be prepared at that moment to recommend that it should be taken away from any place ; he should only go the length of proposing the extension of the franchise, by the establishment of the old scot and lot right of voting in some places. He objected to the uniformity of the 10/. qualification, but beyond that he had no objection. There was another amendment which he intended to propose, and it was that no elector should enjoy a right of voting for a county in respect of any holding of his within the limits of a borough.— The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said, that he could not quite go along with hi noble friend with respect to the 10/. qualification.— Earl GREY said, that at that hour of the night he was not disposed to enter into any discussion of the plan of the noble baron opposite, but he could not help congratulating him and the house upon the exten- sion which he contemplated of the measure of reform which he had so often called revolutionary. He had now admitted the principle of enfranchisement, disfranchisement, and a greater extension of the right of suffrage than bad hitherto been enjoyed, for he ap- peared not only willing to let the 10/. qualification be retained by all those places to which the bill had originally given it, but he seemed also desirous of extending to other places that which they had not enjoyed before— which at least some of them had not en- joyed before; namely, the scot and lot right of voting— on that alteration of his sentiments he begged again to congratulate the noble baron ( loud cheers), and furlher to congratulate hiin upon the total absence of all concert, as he and his noble friends assured the bouse was the fact. The House resumed, and the further consideration ofthe bill in committee was postponed till Thursday Their Lordships then ad- journed at half- past eleven till Tuesday. TUESDAY, MAY 8. Nothing was done except the receiving of sundry petitions. The committee 011 tbe Tithes' Bill, Ireland, was " postponed." WEDNESDAY, MAY 9. At ten minutes past five o'clock. Earl Grey entered the house, and was shortly afterwards followed by the Lord Chancellor. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.— Earl GREY rose, and after presenting several petitions in favour of reform said, the result of Monday night's division had reduced him to the necessity, in common with his colleagues, either at once to withdraw from his Majesty's service, or to tender to his Majesty advice which then appeared justified by the peculiar circumstances of the case, with a view to carry into effect the measure of reform, or finally, in tbe event of this advice being rejected, most Tespectfolly to tender to bis Majesty their resignation of the offices which they held. The last alternative, after much consideration, be and his colleagues had adopted. They offered to his Majesty that advice which they thought the urgency ofthe case and the circumstances of the times required, and their advice not having been accepted, the alternative which they conceived it their duty to submit to bis Majesty was offered, and had been graciously accepted by his Majesty, who was pleased to receive their resignations; at the same time express- ing his thanks for their services during the time they had held office in his Majesty's Councils, and were honoured wilh his Ma- jesty's support. Under these circumstances they stood before their Lordships and the country ; having given in their resignation, and that resignation being accepted, of course they now only held place till their successors should be appointed. Such being the case, of course it was not his intention to propose going into the committee 011 the reform bill to- morrow. For to- night, however, there was a bill involving matter of considerable importance, which stood for a second reading— he meant the civil departments navy bill, and which it was desirable to forward with as much speed as possible, inasmuch as its provisions were intended to come into operation in a few days. If, therefore, there were no material ob- jection to the bill being brought forward, his noble friend behind him would propose its second reading.— Lord ELLENBO- ROUGH apprehended tbat considerable difference of opinion might arise with respect to the bill, and was therefore of opinion that it would be expedient to defer the second reading till another opportunity— Earl GREY said his proposal was to go on with the bill, if 110 objection existed to that course ; but finding it to be a matter which was considered susceptible of discussion, he had no wish to bring it on.— Tbe LORD CHANCELLOR rose to pre sent petitions in favour of the reform bill from Dewsbury ( signed by 3,000 individuals), and from the inhabitants of Birmingham and its vicinity. The latter petition had been recently agreed to at one of the largest meetings ever held in this or perhaps any other country. To such a petition, emanating from such a body of their fellow- countrymen, so numerous and intelligent, it was impossible for the house not to listen with attention, although it might contain statements of fact and opinion in which it was likely that many of their lordships did not concur. The petition was couched in strong, but, as far as he saw, not disrespectful terms, and was the result of a meeting, which in respect to numbers— to say nothing of its respectability— was wholly unexampled.— There was another malter to which he wished to allude— the resig- nation of his Majesty's Ministers. In that respect he stood in the situation of his noble friend ( Earl Grey) : having, in common with him, respectfully tendered bis resignation, in consequence of the advice which they had felt it their duty to offer to his Majesty not being received, and his resignation, like that of his noble friend, had been graciously accepted. He would only add, that lie and his noble friend could never fail to entertain to the latest hour of their lives a deep and heartfelt sense of the uniform kindness and gracious condescension of his Majesty. ( Hear, hear.)— In conclu- sion, and in reference to the Birmingham petition, the noble and learned lord observed, that it could only be received as the peti- tion of the chairman, by whom it had been signed on behalf of the meeting.— The petition was read ; and, after some observations Earl GREY said, their lordships would not fh'mk it too much, after the violent, the unparliamentary ( cheers), and he would say, almost disorderly attack ( cheers) ofthe noble earl who had just sat down, tbat he should notice the observations which had fallen from him. However, it was not for the purpose of defending him- self against the imputations which the noble earl had cast upon him, that he now rose. He trusted that, in Ihe estimation of their lord- ships and the public, his character did stand— he said it without presumption— sufficiently high to guard him from tbe fear of suffer- ing under any such imputations. The noble lord was pleased to characterise tbe advice which he ( Earl Grey) had thought it his duty to offer his Sovereign, as a most atrocious insult. (" Hear, hear," from the opposition.) All he could say was, that he had de- ferred offering that advice to the very last moment, when the cir- cumstances of the times and a sense of duty, as appeared to him imposed upon him the obligation of humbly offering it to his Sove- reign. Whether that advice was right or wrong, if it should be. come a matter of discussion, he would be found fully prepared to argue that he had taken the right course, and to defend himself from any imputations cast upon him. He appealed confidently to the bouse and the public, and relied upon his character to prove to the satisfaction of both, that whatever indirect motives the noble earl might be pleased to suspect him of (" hear," and crics of " no, no,") tbe charge was totally unfounded. It appeared to be denied that the noble earl bad imputed improper motives to him. He could readily believe that the feelings of the noble earl were not sufficiently under control to enable him to say exactly what it was that be had said or intended to say. Certainly the noble lord did not appear to be always on his guard ; but there was an expression about motives, which went to cast a suspicion upon him ( Earl Grey); and if the noble earl repealed his assertion, he had not the least objection to take the sense of the House on the subject. He should be prepared to defend his motives in offering the advice which he did to bis Majesty, whenever an opportunity was pre- sented. Having, as he before stated, given his conscientious advice on the subject to his Majesty, and that advice having been rejected, there remained 110 other course for him to pursue than that which he had taken. But the noble earl said, there was no adequate cause for their conduct, and that the bill was only defeated on a matter of form, Ahicli did not affect the essential principles of tbe measure ; and tbat in point of fact the question was no more than this— should schedules C and D ptecede A and B ? used those words : there was something particular in his mode of from Ihe earls of Suffolk and Plymouth, and the Lord Chancellor, expressing himself. His lordship paused, to give them more Lord ELLENBOROUGH suggested tbat the noble earl ( Grey) effect. Lord Carnarvon fully understood their import; for he at once, in reply, charged Lord Grey with having uttered a menace; and menace it was, if an intimation that a creation of Peers would now be required to teach their lordships reason," J The Earl of CARNARVON said that he wished the debate 011 the first night should be conducted without any angry feelings. It was impossible for him, however, to hear the speech of the noble earl concluded by a menace ( cheers) and not regret his disappoint- ment. He would go the length of saying— even opposed as he was to the bill— that if he believed that tbe vote on this amendment would be fatal to the measure, be would not give his vote in its favour; for, however much he might dislike the bill, he never would consent to its being disposed of in so dishonest and unmanly a manner. But he was also bound to say, that in his belief there was nothing of trick existing unless indeed it was in the imagina tion of the noble lord himself. For himself he would undertake to say, that if the bill were allowed to go through the committee and reach the third reading, he for one would not cavil at it in tbat stage, but would be prepared to give it his support, if it proved to be a tolerably fair measure. ( Hear, hear.)— Earl MANVERS declared that schedule A ought to stand unimpaired was his honest belief, and therefore, whatever obloquy might be cast upon him, he could not consent to vote for a tiling which ( whatever might be its object) would, beyond all doubt, have the effect of baffling the intention of that schedule.— Lord CLIFFORD expressed his decided hostility to the motion. The committee di- vided. The numbers were— For the amendment, 151 [ For the original motion, 116. Majority against ministers, 3.5. On our readmission we found Lord LYNDHURST stating, that in conformity with the notice he had given in the early part of the evening, he should then move that the next clause be postponed. On the question that the next clause be postponed, Earl GREY said, that after the vote to which the House had just come, he felt would do well to move, tbat the order for going into a committee on the Reform bill to- morrow be discharged ; and asked whether it was the noble earl's intention to fix another day for that purpose.— ( A laugh.)— Earl GREY said he intended to move that the order be discharged, but he did not think it necessary, under the cir- cumstances of the case, to fix another day for the committee.— The Earl of CARNARVON said, he rose to move that the order of the day for proceeding in Ihe committee on the reform bill be fixed for a future day. He complained that the tone in which the noble earl proposed to discharge the order was almost contemp- tuous. He declared his opinion that the noble earl bad not done his duty, and thought it was not right that the bill should now be abandoned upon a point of form. ( Hear, and laughter from the ministerial benches.) The noble earl abandoned tbe bill, because they would not take schedules A and B, and desired to proceed to C and D, in the first instance. The House knew what were the grounds— the slight and inadequate grounds— upon which the noble lords opposite had ventured to give to his Majesty the most atrocious counsel with which subjects had ever daied to insolt the ears of their Sovereign. ( Cries of " Oh, 0I1," which were an- swered by a few cheers from the opposition.) Their lordships had also heard, that the Sovereign uf this country, who had been amongst the first to recommend reform 011 broad and constitutional princi pies, when reduced to this necessity, had acted as every descend- ant of tbe house of Brutiswick would have acted under similar cir- cumstances. ( Hear.) It should not go forth to the public, that this resignation of his Majesty's Government, whateves were the true motives of it, had arisen from the virtual rejection, of the bill, He looked upon llie discussion of Monday ni'jht as involving a matter of form, not the principle of the bill. The bill ought to be farther discussed, sad he was determined, after the House should have decided that tbe order should be discharged, to move that the committee be resumed on Monday next. He now beggt- d 10 move that the committee un the reform bill be adjourned till Monday.— If it was a question of so light import as the noble earl appeared to imagine, he would have been justified in censuring the conduct of ministers; bqt he ( Earl Grey) did not think it so, and in the course of the debate had stated the reasons why it appeared to him of the utmost importance to lake ihe clauses in their natural order. Thus the postponement of the two first clauses appeared to him to involve a very material change in the character and principle of the measure. But more than that, consider in what situation the authors of the bill were placed when the question of disfranchisement was carried against them.— What right bad be to expect that noble lords opposite would sup- port a measure of disfranchisement, if he gave his consent to the postponement of schedules A and B ? By whom was the noble and learned lord's motion supported? By a noble duke who had deliberately declared his opinion that the present system of repre- sentation was not capable of amendment by all the efforts of human ingenuity and wisdom, and who had stated tbat he was against re- form. ( Hear, and laughter.) The motion was also supported by another noble duke, who was against every disfranchisement what- ever, and by a noble baron, who had stated that he had hoped to get rid of the necessity of disfranchisement altogether. Under these circumstances, was it not childish to say that the subject at issue was a mere question of form or precedence? ( Cheers.) He con- tended tbat it involved the principle of the bill. Under all the circumstances of the case, it would be seen that Ministers had no alternative but to carry tbe bill or resign, con- sistently wilh what they owed to the public and to the mainte- nance of their own character and honour. For his. pwn part, he could never consent to remain a shadow of a minister, under tbe tutelage of noble lords opposite, nor could' he be a party to permitting the bill to be cut, and carved, and muti- lated, and destroyed by the other side of the house. ( Cheers.) One word more as to what the noble earl called the contemptuous manner in which he ( Earl Grey) proposed to discharge the order. He was not sensible of having designed or conveyed any contemp- tuous feeling on the subject. It was a common and ordinary mo- tion, and he believed it was not required by the forms of the house to appoint a new day for resuming an order that might be dis- charged. In fact he ( Earl Grey) could not undertake to proceed with the bill with any prospect of success uuder the circumstances stated. He had taken the step which he had taken, because he saw that it was absolutely impossible fur him to carry on the mea- sure, subject to daily defeats and to the alterations which might be forced upon him by a majority in that house— a majority differing from him so much in opinion— a majority consisting to the amount of four- fifths of persons, lie believed, who objected to any reform at all. ( Hear, hear.) He had thought it right to say thus much to vindicate himself against the ill- timed, unfair, and, he must add, the unprovoked attack of the noble lord opposite. ( Hear. J It was for that purpose, and with a view to set himself right with their lordships and with the publie, with respeet to the course which he had pursued, that he had made those observations, and in order that all persons should know that it was not from a light or trivial cause he had determined on the slep which he had taken, but that nothing but a painful sense of public duty had driven him to it. ( Hear, hear.)— The Earl of CARNARVON disclaimed any intention of imputing to the noble earl a contemptuous feeling, or of charging him with sinister motives. He had certainly conceived that the alternalive to which the noble earl had originally alluded was the making of such a number of Peers as would have degraded that bouse. But he never meant to impute to hiin that he recom- mended such a tremendous proceeding merely to escape tbe morti- fication of being occasionally outvoted ill that house. When lie said that it was the most atrocious advice that a Minister ever gave to his Sovereign, he said it in perfect good temper ; if warmly, it was because as a member of that bouse he felt warmly on the sub- ject. If such atrocious counsel as that he alluded to, were not given to his Majesty, but some other alternative, tbe nature of which he was at a loss to conceive, he begged pardon for having used the expression. After the attack which had been made upon him by the noble earl [ a laugh], he must be allowed Lord DOVER spoke to order. Tbe noble earl ought to confine himself to explanation— The Ear! of CARNARVON observed, in continuation, that during a motion of no small iinportanee, he was entitled to reply even at much greater length. The noble earl had said that he ( Lord Carnarvon) was, perhaps, in a state of irritation, which precluded him from being conscious of the language which he used. He could assure the noble earl and tbeir lordships that he spoke not in anger but in dismay. If he was not wrong in sup- posing tbat such advice as had been alluded to had been given to tbe country ( and tbat had not been contradicted), he asked, if ever on such slight grounds, a proposal had been made, the tendency of which was absolute destruction of that House, and the annihilation of its legislative and political importance— and made in the spirit of that dictation, which, from the beginning to tbe end of their course, had marked the proceedings of the noble lords opposite ; and which induced them to endeavour ta make their lordships the abject tools of their will 1 The motion which he had made lie had made to enable every peer to show his conviction ( and although there might be some differences of opinion, that he was satisfied was the general feeling), that, in the pre » ent state of the country, their Lordships had no choice, but were under the necessity of conceding some considerable, but as safe as possible Reform. It was highly desirable that this opportunity should be afforded as soon as possible. He c » lled upon their lordships, therefore, not to adjourn the ques- tion to any distant period. He would, therefore, propose, that tbe- order be made for Monday. The motion that the House would onMbnd » y proceed with the consideration of the reform bill in cocwnittee was then agreed to. IRISH TITHES. The Earl of WICKLOW asked the noM » lord opposite ( Mel- bourne) whether lie intended to proceed with the Irish Tithes Bill"!— Loid MELBOURNE replied, that he did not mean to proceed with it, on account of tho amendments which the noble tord had announced as intending to propose,— Earl WICK. LOW May 13. THE TOWH. 155 offered to withdraw the amendments, in the hope that the bill might be passed as it was. The Duke of SUSSEX presented a petition for reform, we could • ot hear from what place The bills on the table were forwarded in their respective stages. Earl GREY, observing that there was no business before the House, moved that it do adjourn till Friday. Agreed to. FRIDAY, MAV 11. The house was again crowded with peers, previous to the commencement of business. Lord Grey and his friends occu- pied their places on the Treasury bench as usual, and no changes had taken place in the seats of the anti reformers. The LORD CHANCELLOR having taken his seat on the • woolsack, ... , The Marquis of AILSA presented petitions from the provost, • magistrates, and town council of the royal burgh of Ayr, in favour of the reform bill; also petitions from the merchants) company of Ayr ; also from the nine incorporated trades of Ayr • also from Tarbolton, numerously signed ; and several other petitions from different parts of the county of Ayr. His lord- ship said he cordially supported the prayer of each petition, and thought the people were entitled to the full measure of reform they claimed. The Earl of CAMPERDOWN rose to present a petition from Aberdeen, with 8,000 signatures in favour of the reform bill; also nineteen other petitions from various parts of Scotland, with the same prayer. He took that opportunity to assure the house that the desire for reform in Scotland was general and de- cided, from the highest to the lowest; in fact, that reform was only opposed by the few individuals who now possessed a monopoly of the elective franchise in that country. ( Hear, hear.) The great mass of the Scottish people had become aware of their rights, and would persist in demanding them, until their object should be attained.— " The Earl of MINTO expressed his opinion, that in no part of the kingdom did there exist a stronger feeling in favour of re- form, nowhere were the friends of the bill more numerous, than in Scotland. A voice was now arising on the subject, which would soon be distinctly heard, and which it would be impossible to mistake. The noble earl presented four petitions from places in Scotland in favour of reform.— The Earl of ROSEBERRY rose to present several petitions from various parts of Scot- land in favour of reform. The noble earl asserted that there could be no greater fallacy than to talk of re- action in Scotland. Earl GREY presented a petition from the town of Cam- bridge, to which the signatures of 1,834 persons had been affixed in the course of two days, praying their lordships to pass the reform bill without any alteration of the disfranchising schedules, or the 10/. qualification, and without any alteration in any other part of the bill that might he calculated to impair its efficiency and utility. The next petition which he had to present to their lordships was from the merchants, traders, and other inhabitants of the town of Huddersfield, assembled in public meeting on Tuesday, the 8th of May, in consequeuce of hearing of the division in that house on the 7th. The petition prayed their lordships to pass the bill immediately, and though the petition w « s prepared and sent off at once on the receipt of the news, it was signed by 500 persons. The noble earl also presented three petitions ( one signed by 1,500 persons) in favour of the reform bill, from tbe places the names of which we did not catch. The LORD CHANCELLOR presented several petitions from • Scotland, in favour of the reform bill now on their lordships' table, and thanking their lordships for having read that bill a second time. If he might venture to take this opportunity to make a suggestion to their lordships, it would be, that if they did not wish to agitate the country— that if they really and sincerely desired that the excitement which now prevailed should not go further than it had done— they would, for the future, abstain from those remarks which had latterly too frequently fallen from some noble lords as to petitions of this kind. He would defy the wit of man to devise a more effectual means of continu- ing the agitation which existed, and gathering together those im- mense assemblages of which they now heard in the present alarm- ing crisis, than, as often as petitions were presented from public meetings, to take occasion to underrate the zeal of the persons attending such meetings— to represent that either curiosity had attracted them thither, or the desire of seeing the sights to be there seen, and of joining in the games incidental to such an occasion. But a still more effectual means to produce such mis- chievous results was, to pronounce such immense assemblages as were at present of frequent occurrence, as considerably over- rated in their numbers, their amount, and their importance. If their lordships should continue to act in that way, they might depend upon it that they ran the risk of having a very alarming contradiction given to their representations. ( Loud cries of " hear, hear.") He had a petition now to present to their lordships, which would prevent the possibility of any such statements being hazarded with regard to it, on account of the number of signatures attached to it. It was a petition from the town and neighbourhood of Sheffield. The petition, which was in favour of the Reform Bill, was signed by 29,200 persons.— ( Hear, hear.) He would make no further comment on that pe- tition, but let it speak for itself. ( Hear, hear.) He was one of those who did not wish to see such immense assemblages as had lately been witnessed in this country, but as long as such meet- ings continued to be held he hoped that the business of them would be carried on, as the business of those hitherto held had been, peaceably, quietly, and without the slightest approach to disturbance of any kind. ( Hear, hear.) The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented some petitions in favour of reform. The Earl of CAWDOR presented a petition from Banbury in favour of tbe reform bill. Lord NAPIER presented a petition from Morpeth in favour of the reform bill. The Duke of HAMILTON presented petitions in favour of reform from various places in Scotland. IRISH TITHE BILL.— Lord MELBOURNE said, that it was no t his intention to propose to proceed further with the bill i and he therefore moved the discharge of the order for its ^ econd reading.— The house adjourned to . Monday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MONDAY, MAY 7. After the presentation of some petitions, Lord PALMF. BSTON in reply to a question put by Sir R. Vy vyan, relative to the negocia- tions on the subject of Belgium, said, that there were still negocia- tions pending respecting Holland, and that there might be some in- convenience iu producing the papers just at this moment.— Lord STOOMONT called the attention of the house to the subject of the breach of privilege committed by two persons named Read and Kelson, with regard to the decision of a committee of that house on the Sunderland dock bill. These two persons after being seve- rally called iu and examined were ordered to withdraw. After a few words from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Hodgson, and some other members, Mr. Kelson aud Mr. Read were called in and admonished by the Speaker. On the motion of Mr. Cripps to go into committee on the Coroner's bill, the house was counted and there being only thirty members present, the house adjourned at a quarter- past seven. TUESDAY, MAY 8. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, whose notice « tood on the books, to move for a select committee on the bank charter, " postponed" that motion till Thursday next. Lord MILTON stated that he should persevere in his motion on the com Uws on the 17th instant, and he intimated, as to the na- tnre of his motion, that he should move that the house resolve into committee on the acts regarding the importation of com. Mr. MACKINNON obtained leave to bring in a bill for the abolition of the usury laws.— The CHANCELLOR of the EX- CHEQUER Slid he of course should not oppose this motion ; but that he should deem it to be his duty to watch the progress of the bill. As to his opinions, as an individual member of that house, they were known to be favourable to the repeal. Mr. HUME moved for a series of returns illustrative of the pre- sent state ofthe church— the number of livings, residents and non- residents— curates— amounts of remuneration— the extent of plu- ralities, & c.: and added that he should resist the progress of the pluralities' bill till these returns were presented. They were or- dered, after some curious statements respecting residents, non- residents, pluralists, & c. The other business being " postponed" the house adjourned soon after eight o'clock. WEDNESDAY. MAY 9. RESIGNATION OF MINISTERS.— At 5 o'clock Lord Altborp entered the house, which was crowded, and his appearance was instantly hailed with enthusiastic cheers and cries of " hear '." accompanied with plaudits both from hands and feet, iu which some of the strangers in the gallery joined most cordially.— Lord ALTHORP rose and said—•" I feel it to be my duty to state to the house, that in consequence of what occurred in another place on Monday last, it appeared to his Majesty's Government that it would be impossible to carry the reform hill in such a manner as they deemed it their duty to carry it in, or without such alterations as would render it inefficient and inconsistent with the pledges they had given for carrying it forward, ( Loud cheers.) Under these circumstances, there remained for them only this alternative— to tender their resignation to his Majesty, or to advise his Majesty to take such measures as would enable them to carry the reform bill efficiently, and in case that advice should not be taken, then to tenner their resignations. ( Cheers.) The latter course we adopted, and I have now to state to the house that we did tender adv.'^ e such as I have mentioned, which not being received, we then tlii- dered our resignations, and that his Majesty was graciously pleased to receive them. At present, therefore, we only hold office until our successors are appointed. For myself, I can only say that the manner in which I have ever been treated by his Majesty has been such as to ensure my warm gratitude to him so long as 1 shall live. The noble lord then proceeded to move that the order of the day for the second reading of the Scotch reform bill be read, for ihe purpose of postponing it. The noble lord sat down amidst long- continued cheering.— Lord EBRINGTON said that he could not refrain, after the confidence which had been reposed by the house in the noble lord and his colleagues, from expressing the deep re- gret he felt at the announcement » hicli had then been made, as well as at the failure of the measure which had been carried through that bouse by so great a majority. ( Loud cheers.) Under the cir- cumstances, he should feel il his duty lo give notice, that to- mor- row he would move an address to his Majesty on the. present state of public affairs. ( Loud cheers.) He would follow up his first notice with another— viz., that he would move that the house be called over. ( Loud cheers.)— Mr. GORE LANGTON said, that he must express his deep regret at the defeat of the measure of reform, fur sure he was that nothing short of the measure that had passed that house would satisfy the country.— Mr. HUME said, he felt bound injustice to say7, that the noble lord and his colleagues, placed ill the position they had been by the other house, had, as men of honuur, no other course left tiietu to pursue, except the one which they had taken ( loud cbeeis); and he would further say, that they had acted with honour to themselves, not only in the opi- nion of that house, but he was also sure in that of the nation.—- Lord ALTIIOUP said, that his noble friend ( the member for Devon) had given a notice which he ( Lord Althorp) would wish a few moments'time to consider. He would submit that in the present state of affairs, and in the present crisis, any course which might throw embarrassment in the way of the formation of a new administration ought not to be taken—( Loud cries of4' No, no ')— and he would therefore wish that his noble friend would for a hort time postpone his notice.— Sir J. NEWPORT hoped that the noble member for Devon would persevere in his motion ; for in times like the present it became absolutely necessary to know what course would be taken by the majority of this house*— Mr. LA- BOUCHERE said, that he felt it his duty to express his ardent desire that the noble member for Devon would persist in his in- tention. He felt that if in the present crisis they were not firm— if they were false to their constituents and their own recorded votes — if they did not convey to the throne that they felt the greatest alarm at the formation of any administration which was not based upon the principle of carrying reform in Parliament, sure he was that they would expose the country to the risk of the heaviest calamity. Sure he was that reform was safe, if they did but their duty; but if they did not they alone would be to blame for the happening of the scenes which might occur, and which were of a nature that would appal the stoutest.— Mr. O'CONNELL said that his opinion was that the Government had acted wisely. The only question now was, whether the people would be true to themselves or leave the country to a boroughinorigering faction, and its whole legislation to the nominees of peers or individuals. The only question was, would the people of England be true to themselves. That the people of Scotland would be true, he was quite sure. For the people of Ireland too, he would be bound they would not flinch, but would persevere until the great measure was obtained.— Mr. BARING said he rose for the purpose of suggesting to the noble lord, whether he was not bound by usage, to explain the grounds or nature of the ad vice the non- reception of which by his Majesty had led to the dissolution of Lord Grey' administration. He was old enough to remember, that this was the course pursued by Earl Grey himself in 1.807, on his resigna- tion of office. It was important that they should clearly under- stand why it was that ministers had resigned, the rather, as amid the cheers of one side of the house, there might be discerned something like a censure on his Majesty for having accepted their resignation. (" No, no," from the Treasury benches.) He was sensible of the impropriety of their there discussing questions involving the personal acts of the Sovereign, but he appealed to them, whether the an- nouncement of the fact of resignation was not accompanied by a sort of complaint—( no, no)— at least a statement,— which, in the absence of information, left them to believe that the King had re- jected an advice which his advisers thought he ought to have adopted. Now what he and those on the opposition side of the house wanted to learn from the noble lord was, the specific cha- racter of that advice, and of the grounds on which it was prof- fered and rejected. It was important that the house at large should be made acquainted with the particulars— that it should know whether the advice tendered to the King involved what he ( Mr. Baring) would not hesitate to call a most outrageous and unconsti- tutional principle. ( Opposition cheers.) If BO, he would then only say, that he very much mistook the feelings of the people of Eng- land if a very large majority of them would not be imbued w ith a strong feeling of gratitude towards his Majesty for so promptly ac- cepting the resignation of those who tendered him such an advice. ( Oh, oh, and cheers.)— Colonel DAVIES agreed with Mr. Baring. Sir R. PEELdid not rise to in any way anticipate the discussion of to- morrow, but merely to express his concurrence with Mr. Baring and Colonel Davies, that it was not only essential to that discus- sion, but conformable with the uniform usages of that house, that it should be put in full information of the distinct causes which had led to the resignation of Lord Grey's Government. He would not then press Lord Althorp to state what those causes were— but would merely suggest to him the propriety of applying to his Ma- jesty for permission to explain in detail tiie proceedings and their causes which had led to iiis resignation. This permission it was necessary he should obtain, as otherwise his explanation would be a violation of what was due to his Sovereign, there being no acls more truly personal with respect to the Sovereign than those of the appointment or acceptance of the resignation of his ministers. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE trusted that Lord Ebrington would persevere in his motion for a call of tlie house to- morrow, as it was highly expedient that the people should know who were and who were not their lionest and uncompromising representatives ( hear, hear), as would be evident by a list of those who would vote for the noble lord's motion, and those who had, with so triumphant a majority, recorded their confidence in ministers on the former defeat of the bill by the House of Lords. ( Cheers.) He did not think that Lord Althorp was called upon to explain more fully the proceedings connected with his resignation than he had done. It was enough for the country to know, that, in consequence of the adverse vote of their lordships, ministers felt it right to give their advice to their Sovereign to take such steps as would secure the national bill against mutilation, aud that his Majesty not acting 011 that advice,, they had no alternative between resigning, or being auxiliaries in tbe work of slaughter. It was enough for the country toknow that they had most honourably preferred the former course ; and he trusted, in gratitude, and consistency, and justice, the people would not cease from constitutional agitation, till the power to carry the great measure of national purification into effect was restored to the hands of those who had the magnanimity to sland or fall by it, from the grasp of those who had been enabled to— he trusted tem- porarily— assume it by means of tbe grossest hypocrisy. ( Cheers). Lord ALTHORP persuaded himself, that when stating tiie fact of the resignation of himself and his colleagues, he had carefully avoided every expression of blame upon any party or personage whatever. Willi respect to the suggestion of Sir R. Peel for him to obtain permission in the proper quarter to enter into a minute statement of the particulars connected with tbe fact, he would then only say, that he had already stated every thing which he thought essential to the public interest, and as it then appeared to him, compatible with official confidence. He did not at that moment feel that he should be justified in going further, and therefore begged it lo be understood that he did not pledge himself lo act upnn the right hon. baronet's suggestion. - Mr. MACAULEY felt himself called upon, by the insinuation of Mr. Baring, to declare that not a single expression had dropped from his noble friend which could be tortured into disrespect towards his Majesty. He also felt himself bound to protest against the doctrine of the hon. member, that the motion of his noble friend would amount to an infringe- ment upon the rights of the other House of Parliament, 01 an in- direct censure upon the Sovereign. Such a docttine was most un- constitutional, and was in the verv teeth of that freedom of debate on which they so justly prided themselves. He felt he bad a right to raise his emphatic protest against so monstrous a doctrine, and to demand, as a member of that house, that 110 remark of his, or those who thought with liiin, on the momentous subject to be dis- cussed to- morrow, should be construed as iu the slightest manner implying even a moment's forgetfulness of the respect and affection which they ? ll felt towards the Sovereign, or even a moment's doubt of his Majesty's single and sincere desire to promote, by every act of his life, the interests of his people. ( Cheers.) He trusted his noble friend would persevere in his motion, so as to enable the House of Commons at least to do its dutv. ( Hear) Mr. BARING did not feel that what had fallen from'him, at all warranted the comment of Mr. Macauley Lord MILTON felt himself bound to protest against the doctrine of Sir Robert Peel, that the acceptauce of a minister's resignation being a personal act ofthe Sovereign, could not be discussed in Parliament without the express permission of the King, but at the hazard of violating the prerogative. If the appointment or the resignation of a minister were a personal act of this nature, there was an end to every thing like the responsibility of ministers to the legislature Sir RJPEEL did not mean to say that the individual accepting office was not responsible to Parliament for his official conduct; but merely that the original act of either appointing or dismissing a minister was a personal act of the Sovereign, which could not be discussed in de- tail without his permission.— Mr. HUNT was sure that there could , be but one opinion as to the necessity of the ex- ministers explaining fully every transaction connected with their exit from office.— Lord EBRINGTON felt himself compelled to persevere in his motion. Under the extraordinary relation in which that house stood with respect to the reform bill and the country, he felt he should be abandoning his duty did he delay his motion a single hour. It was important in such a national crisis that the people should know who were their hunest and consistent representatives, and who hail proved recreants from their duty. For the same reason lie would persevere in his motion for a call of the house, so as to guard against backsliders and time- watchers.— The motion was then agreed to, and the discussion terminated. Sir R. PEEL moved, in pursuance of the notice which he had given previous to Ihe recess, for the appointment of a committee to frame some regulations to facilitate the presentation of public petitions.— Lord ALTHORP thought some regulation on this sub- ject was necessary, and anticipated that the right honr baronet's proposition would be beneficial.— After a few words in support of the motion from Mr. Warburton, Mr. Hume, Mr. Ruthven, Sir J. Scarlett, and Mr. Robinson, the committee was appointed. An lion. Member moved, in the absence of Lord Ebrington, that Ihe house be called over to- morrow.— Carried. The other orders of the day were then agreed to, and the house adjourned at a quarter to seven o'clock. THURSDAY, MAY 10. Before the house was opened to strangers the Sheriffs of Loudon were admitted, when they presented the petition adopted at the Common Council this day, expressing their deep regret at the refusal of his Majesty to make Peers ; also censuring the irresponsible persons who could have advised such a course, and calling upon the Commons House of Parliament not to grant any further supplies until the reform bill was passed into a law. The presentation of this important petition gave rise to some interesting discussion, some particulars of which we have pro- cured from an authentic source. On the petition being pre- sented, Mr. Alderman WOOD moved that the petition be read. The petition was then read, and some parts of it were received with cheers.— Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN said that he agreed in every word of that petition, and much regretted the infliction with which the country had been visited in consequence of the House of Lords having acted as they had done, and inter- rupted the progress of the reform bill, in the outset of the Com- mittee.— Mr. Alderman THOMPSON said that he attended the meeting. He bore testimony to the general feeling of regret and disappointment that had been felt not only in the members of the Corporation, but iu every class of the City of Loudon.— Mr. Alderman VENABLES agreed in the terms of the petition.— Mr. Alderman HUGHES said he was present at the meeting of the Common Council, and he proposed an amendment to that part of the petition which prayed the House of Commons to re- fuse supplies until the reform bill was passed.— Mr. C. PELHAM wished to treat the Corporation with great respect, for he ad- mired their conduct throughout the history of the country j and he thought that one of the greatest mischiefs of the reform bill was, that the great constituency would be degraded by having in- fused into it a set of vagabond 10/. voters. Petition ordered to be printed. ADDRESS TO THE KING.— A few minutes after 6 o'clock, the Speaker having called upon him, Lord EBRINGTON rose, and, after some preliminary observations, said, that in the course he meant to pursue he had not the most remote wish to embarrass the Crown in its choice ; at the same time he felt that no embarrassment— no delay— in short, nothing could be so in- jurious both to the country and the Crown, as the existence of any misapprehension on the part of the Crown with respect to the sentiments of this house, or the existence of any doubt in the house itself as to the sentiments of the majority of its mem bers. ( Loud cheers.) Strange and sudden changes of opinion were reported to have taken place in other quarters and in an other place, on the subject of reform, and he did not know but that changes might take place in other quarters, which might be pregnant with danger as regarded tlie reform bill in this house. He did not believe that. ( Loud cheers.) At all events, he was sure it was necessary, with a view both to public tranquillity and to the permanence of any administration to be formed, aud with a view as well to the ease of the Crown as of the house, that the sentiments of the representatives of the people should be fully and completely known. With this view he felt it his duty to propose an address for the adoption of the house, couched in language certainly far less strong than that in which he should individually express himself, or in which the great majority of the house would deliver their sentiments of regret at the change which had taken place in his Majesty's Councils. After this ex- pression, it proceeded to state to his Majesty their belief in the deep interest with which the people of the country still regarded the progress of the measure of reform, and the disappointment and disgust which would pervade them if, by any attempt to mu- tilate its provisions, it was not allowed to go on to its conclu- sion ; and it concluded by imploring his Majesty to call to his councils guch persons- only as would carry into effect its provi- sions uninjured. These were shortly the propositions he had embodied in his address. He felt it would be presumptuous on his part to add any arguments of his own in support of these po- sitions, because he thought there were arguments stronger th « m any he could adduce in their own recorded votes, and in the sen- timents uttered by the members of the house in so many debates during the two last sessions of Parliament. Whether there was any change in that house remained to be seen ; but at all events if gentlemen had any cause to alter their sentiments, he hoped at least they would have the manliness to avow themselves, in order that his Majesty might have the satisfaction, and the country have the advantage, of knowing clearly and explicitly what were the reasons for this change in their opinions. ( Loud cheers.) Having said so much, he would conclude, by offering his address for the adoption of the house, and by returning his thanks for the manner in which they had done him the honour to receive him. The hon. member sat down amidst loud cheers.— Mr. STRUTT rose to second the motion, and said, he could not for a moment suppose that the members of that house, now that tbe crisis had arrived when the bill was apparently in great jeo- pardy, and seemed liable to great mutilation, if not to utter de- struction, would be so regardless of the duty which they owed their constituents, of their own dignity and consistency, as to feel the slightest hesitation in coming forward and declaring their determined adherence to those great principles which for the last fourteen months they had been labouring to enforce and establish ( Loud cheers.) But there was also another considera- tion, which they ought not to overlook. There was a duty which they owed to the authors of this measure— to those persons who had brought it forward so honourably to themselves, and who had with 60 much consistency, and with such indefatigable zeal, laboured to carry it through that and the other house of Par- liament. ( Cheers.) If on a former occasion that house had thought it necessary to sanction the conduct of ministers, by expressing in strong terms the confidence which it reposed in their honesty and consistency, he could not believe that it would on the present occasion hesitate to repeat a similar, or even more decided declaration of opinion in their favour, now that the ministers had given the strongest proof of their attachment to those principles to which the house stood committed, by their retirement from office. ( Cheers.) He thought that there could be but one opinion among consistent reformers— namely, that ministers had pursued the only honourable course which was left to them, when they tendered their resignations to his Ma- jesty ( great cheering) ; and if they had acted differently, he for one should have thought that they had neglected their duty to their sovereign, and rendered themselves wholly unworthy of the confidence reposed in them by that house and the country. The hon. member, in continuation, said, if, on the present oct casion, it was to be held forth to the people that their expecta- tions were to be frustrated, and that that great measure, on which their hopes had been fixed, was to be handed over to its adversaries, either to be mutilated in detail or utterly destroyed, then, knowing, as he did, the state ef feeling iu the country, he looked to the prospect before them with the greatest fear and dismay. Happily there was one resource by which all danger to the country might be avoided, and - that existed in the wisdom, firmness, and decision of that house. Let that house only come forward and place itself at the head of the people— let it show itself determined to be true to its former professions— let it show the people that as long as they were true to themselves, that house would not desert them—- let that house teaeh the people to look to it as their natural leader, and not elsewhere ;— he should then feel the greatest confidence that all might still be safe,- and that the great measure of- reform would be car- ried to a triumphant termination. ( Long continued cheers.) Before he sat down he wished particularly to say a few words with respect to what he considered the most important part of the proposed address,— namely, that part in which His Majesty was implored to call to his councils none but the known friends of those principles which that house had supported. It wag worse than idle to suppose that the majority of that house, if they had any regard to their own character, to their former pro- fessions, or to the interests of their constituents, could for one moment think of giving their support to an administration com- posed of persons, who, however sincere in their expressed opi- nions, for the whole of the last year, were seen at one time ob- stinately contesting all its most vital principles, and at another cavilling at its details. ( Hear, hear.) It were worse than mad- ness to suppose that that house would be weak enough to act In that way ; or, if they did, that the people would sanction their conduct. ( Cheers.) The motion being put from the chair, Mr. BARING, after calling upon Lord Althorp to state the nature of the advice which ministers had given to their sovereign, and receiving no answer, said he concluded by the silence of the noble lord, that it was not his intention to make such explana- tion, and therefore the house must remain ignorant, for he could assure the house that he was entirely ignorant, of the cireum- stances which had occasioned ministers to resign their situations. ( Loud laughter.) The noble lord who had proposed the address described the present situation of affairs as being most momen- tous. In that observation of the noble lord he entirely con- curred. It was. indeed, impossible to look at the state of the public miud, aud of the three branches of the Government, and to observe the manner in which the House of Commons was acted upon from without, and not be impressed with the most awful feelings as to the consequences which might follow those measures now in progress through parliament. ( Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman who spoke last seemed to imagine that the House of Commons was to do every thing. Now the apprehen- sion he entertained from the passing of the reform bill was ex- actly this,— that the House, of Commons would assume the whole power of the state. ( Hear, hear.) The present motion, though in form and phraseology a humble petition and address to His Majesty, was, in reality, nothing but a dictation to the King not to take any ministers but such as would pass the re- form bill. ( Hear, hear.) The plain English of the address was, that it was the desire of that house that His Majesty should take back his late ministers. ( Loud cheers from the ministerial benches.) He collected from that cheer that the hon. gentlemen opposite put that construction on the address. ( Hear, hear, from the same quarter.) The King, then, was to be told that it was the pleasure of that house, joining itself with the Lord Mayor and the authorities of the city of London,— which, notwithstanding their station, he would call discreditable associations,— and connecting itself with other more violent so- cieties, whose endeavour it was to inflame the public mind, that he should take back his ministers. But how was the King to take them back ? The King did not discharge them ; but the ministers had themselves given notice that they would not serve the King. ( Hear, hear.) Was the King, then, to go on his knees and entreat them to come back ? ( Cheers from the opposition.) If it were of advantage to the state that the Crown and peerage should possess any influence in this country, and that all power should not be centred in po- litical clubs without and their delegates within doors, he beg- ged the house to pause before agreeing to the proposed ad- dress, lest the independence of the three branches of the Legislature might be endangered. ( Hear, hear.) The ho- nourable member, after touching upon various topics, con- cluded by giving the motion before the house his decided ne- gative.— Lord ALTHORP said he stated last night that minis- ters, finding it impossible, after the majority on Monday night, to carry the reform bill in all its efficiency through the House of Lords, felt it to be their duty to advise their Sovereign to have recourse to such measures as would unable them to carry it in all its efficiency—( Hear, hear)— where ? where but in the House of Lords. ( Cheers.) This statement, he thought, prevente^ dl misconception of his meaning. ( Hear.) " If, however," said the noble lord with great emphasis and dignity, " this statement appear to the hon. gentleman not sufficiently explicit, and that he wishes me to explain myself further, I have not the least ob- jection to, without beating about the bush, telling him in plain words what the advice which we gave his Majesty, and which his Majesty rejected, was. ( Hear, hear.) The advice was simply [ See the 6th page for continuation tm Tiff 13 OTOWJir, May 13. TO CORRESPONDENTS. We are obliged to postpone several notices of new publications and various other articles. We request our Correspondents to send their communications earlier in the week. The Water- colour Exhibition is unavoidably postponed to next Sunday. Americanus in our next. The character of Mr. Stanley in our last, will be republished on the earliest possible occasion. into the arms of the respectable and respected Lord LYNDHURST, who advised and arranged the appointment of the Duke of WELLINGTON as premier. At the moment when we write, the predicament of the Government is one of awful uncertainty. In the metropolis there is a slow, murmuring, under- ferment of mind and resolution, more dangerous than popular manifestations and movements of physical force. In the great trading Mr. Stanley, is unavoidably postponed to next Sunday. T H E T O W N, SUNDAY NEWSPAPER. PRICE 7D. A SUPERB MAP OF ENGLAND, GRATIS, To come out in Six Parts, containing 24 square feet, v; ith Boundaries and Divisions of Counties, under the REFORM BILL, WHICH MUST PASS, JEnqraved on Steel, and to which Subscribers to the above. . . ... . . Paper will be entitled. This superb Map will contain the latest \ ""'.' S 18 f<,. r ™ ". V known of a new Mmistry, Statistical Detail, Population Census, with a Geological Survey of the Kingdom; also the Navigable Rivers, Canals, Railways ( present and contemplated), Parks and Turnpike Roads, Sfc. By Authority. The letter of Merlin, on " the Parliamentary Drawing" o/| and manufacturing towns— in Birmingham and Manches- ter especially— there is a menacing display of passion, force, and extreme means, not confined to the working classes, but embracing affluent industry, of which it would be vain to calculate the development. The great popular movement has put itself in communication with tbe metro- polis by deputations. Insbort, itwould seemas if the people saw, in the present crisis, an occasion for resuming the great trust of Government into their own hands ; and at such a crisis, after a Ministerial interregnum of three days, no- It is merely understood that the Duke of WELLINGTON, an ambitious, resolute, rude, contemptuous soldier, with more than a soldier's habits of despotism, is appointed Prime Mi- nister; and so entirely does be mask his intentions, that the gamblers at TATTEKSALL'S and the Clubs, have made it a betting subject whether he will rule by a delusive Reform Bill or by the sword. As to the predicament in which the King stands it is deplorable. From the most popular prince who has sat upon the throne of these realms, he suddenly fell down to, if not below, the average standard of tbe family of Brunswick. The present crisis exhibits in the court The Ministerial arrangements have yet proceeded only I counsels every vice of government which has character- to two appointments certain- tl. ose of the Duke of WEL- ^ the reigning family from George the 1st to George ,,. . y , .... , » , ,„,„. , IV. When the present King displayed the trankness of MNGTON as rirst Lord ot tlie Treasury, anu tvjr. MBINU I , ljs persona, demeanour soon alter ins accession— when as Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Duke of WELLING- during a year and a ball's probation he gave what we TON, it is said, declares that there is a county re- action, thought such decisive proofs of his personal firmness and and means to have the Parliament dissolved on Monday, cordial desire and enlightened purpose of consolidating This is a fearful prospect— a general election— another the liberties of the people, and gaining himself a glorious ,. . . . , .. i „ j„ ,.„. i :„ historic immortality, we little thought of seeing revived Reform campa. gn- at a moment when the trade and in- and reve;(| e( 1 jn> > y be said) ou| short ,) Hurft| le base dustry of the country are in suspense, or ruin, and the back- stairs influences, the intrigues, the cabals, the double nation is in a state of feverish excitement. cabinets, and the double faith, which marked the reign of We had written thus far when the following list reached George III., with no slight infusion of the pecuniary em- THE T O W 3T. LONDON: SUNDAY, MAY 13, 1832. Premier. Privy Seal. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Secretary. us:— DUKE OP WELLINGTON .. ELLENBOROUGH. . ., KOSSLYN SIR HENRY HARDINGE .. Chancellor Commission. HERRIES .. Board of Trade. CROKER Mint. CHANDOS Secretary of War. ABERDEEN Foreign Affairs. A. BARING Chancellor of Exchequer. Colonies Vacant. WYNN Speaker. CARNARVON P. Board of Control. The events of tho last week are truly ominous— the most ominous which have taken place in this country since the brief epoch of tyrannical pretension and infatuated weakness, which immediately preceded the Revolution of " SESZ K^ JSJSZ barrassmcnt, rapacity, and corruption of the court of George IV. Of tbe actual place of the Queen in the opinion of the people, it would be painful to speak freely. We have already suggested the fatal examples of HENRIETTA and MARIA ANTOINETTE. If the Queen has really placcd her- self in a position adverse to the nation, she has reason to curse— and, perhaps, already curses— those who have de- luded her into it. If she has not interfered, or not inter- fered to the extent described, she has still more reason to curse those who have used her name as tbe by- word of an unnational faction. Of Messrs. and Mesdames FITZCLA- RENCE we are equally unwilling to speak. Of tbe extent of their influence there may be doubts— of their wishes, their solicitations, and their intrignes, there can bo none. No one can have the least cognizance of what pusses in what is called the world, without being aware of the asto- nishing simplicity, or effrontery, with which my Lord . . I predilections. Tbe King's affection for bis sons- and daugh- 1688. He who does not feel that the nation is ( if we may lers only rendered him more popular. His giving them rank and titles, whether from the affection or the weakness of a father, excited the hollow wrath of canting use the term) fearfully commoved— that the monarchy trembles to its centre,— such a person we say, is either su- premely endowed with constitutional stupidity, or deluded by selfish faction ; or is a place- sccking desperado, reck- less of all but tbe means of sustaining his broken fortunes, bigots, but was a virtue in the estimation of every liberal mind. His family, too, so demeaned themselves hitherto as to gain general approbation. It was deeply their in- terest not to challenge animadversion or even iuquiry. and still more broken character ; or of indulging his ambi- They would do well to treasure in their minds the expres- tions mediocrity and rapacity as a borough owner ; or of sion of ^ USSEAU, " la femme d'un charbonnier est plus ... respectable que la mmtresse dun Hot;' and, above all, to grasping the supreme power of the State to gratify a coarse avojd acting in sucb a man„ er as to make others remind vanity, habitually and coarsely pampered, and that rude ( hem of it, and of the inference which may be- applied contempt of civil liberty and the people, which is gene- from it. rated in the camp. ' lave at lnon, ent f° ur complete lists of a new „_ .„!,.„ • .. . .. , , .. ministry before us; and iu three of the four the name of W e will retrace briefly the incidents which have d. stm- sir Ro£ ert Peel does not appear> Does he shrUlk from guished tbe short interval since our last publication. It the obloquy of another violent change of opinion,, or does • will be remembered by our readers that we stated the oc- | he dread the perilous crisis which be would have to en- cupation of the waverers in a double- faced intrigue, be- tween the anti- reformers and Lord GREY. The result be- | counter ? Our opinion still is, that the Duke of WELLING TON, should he complete his arrangements, will not stand a week. To bring in an efficient Reform would be an in- came apparent before the Parliament had been sitting one conceivable instance of self- damning tergiversation— and hour on Monday last, on its first re- assembling after the the nation will accept no other. Will he cmbrue his Recess Lord GREY moved tbe Committee on tbe Reform sword in Hie blood of the people— he who on tbe Catholic ,„.„ . „ . ... y i » „„„„„„„_ i ,< Question bad such a horror of civil war? His Ministry HILL; in the Committee, Lord LYNDHURST moved the ^ wffl expire jn embryo> or not ^ R week_ t,^ postponement of Ihe disfranchisement clause— that is, of Reforming Ministry will be recalled and the Bill will be the head and front of the Bill; the waverers supported the passed. The Tories we know speak contemptuously of ermined pioneer of the party ; the Ministers were left in a the popular force, and even still drivel about re- action minority of thirty five ; the Prime Minister and Chancellor Jf Englishmen be what we take them for^ what they miiiumy ui j baye beerl)— a„ d what they should be,— they will not went down to the King to Windsor, and advised a sufficient surrendcr without giving battle even to the Duke of creation of Peers ; this advice was rejected, and they ten- | WELLINGTON. Our readers will also recollect . . 4.1. ' -. „.„ ., II„ I „., r II A Moniteur has reached town by express, containing that we staled that the King was incessantly and artfully I . , x Tl .. .. . . . n- r - i • „„„„„„„ i, „„ . * i most important news. It communicates a dispatch by • assailed by members ol his family, in a sense adverse to the , f „ , , FT . ,, • * , I telegraph, announcing that Marshal BOIJRMONT was at liberties of the people, of whose rights he is the constitu- e ' ' . s . . ... ' the head of an insurgent army in the south of Iranee oil the oilier hand, recommended to the King the adoption of a policy which, without Compromising the honour and interests of France, would take from Foreign Powers all excuse for interference in her domestic affairs, and thoseMi- nisters husband the resources of the Government for any great exigency which might occur. The illness of M. PE- RIER hasnccessarily thrown MarshalSouLT more in the way of theKing, and this minister being at the head of the army, and enjoying a certain degree of popularity with the na- tion, has not been idle in the employment of those means of court intrigue by which the intentions of Kings are ge- nerally changed. Whether, abstractedly considered, the policy of Mar- shal SoULT is good or bad, is not the question for us now to discuss,— but in the alarming crisis which this country has reached, we cannot help regarding the in- fluence of that Minister as frightfully demonstrative of danger to British interests, when a Wellington adminis tration, with all its avowed hostilities to French liberty and liberal institutions throughout the world, shall have replaced ti° ise honourable men, who by the intrigues of a half- crazed scion of Royalty, and an illustrious personage whose name is couplcd with associations to which it is painful to allude, aided by the low and pitiful manoeuvres of a de- graded Lawyer, have been driven from the post which they occupied with honour to themselves and advantage to the human race. It never seems to have entered into the calculations of those half- wilted fools who hope to govern the destinies of Europe, that the only guarantee for the safety of England as a nation, with regard to its Foreign Policy, lay in tbe intimate connection which subsisted be- tween tbe liberal Ministry of Great Britain and the Consti- tutional Ministry of France. The Duke of WELLINGTON, when he last went out of office, ascribed his overthrow to the French revolution of July, and yet he is bold enough to assume power again at moment when the war party in France want only sneh a calamity as has occurred here to rouse the people of ranee to a demonstration of moral and physical strength bich must infallibly not only drive him from power again, but hasten that general revolution, to avert which he pre- tended formerly to have given way. Does the Duke of WELLINGTON suppose that a British House of Commons will ever sanction a war against France for no other pur- pose than to restore despotism, and to maintain those principles which the Holy Alliance have attempted to esta- blish, wherever intrigue and corruption could have sway? After having for twelve months openly and secretly espoused Ihe cause of the exiled Royal Family of France— after having contributed in every possible way to promote the views of the fallen branch of the Bourbons— do the Duke and his party, imagine that they can persuade the Liberals in France to remain quiet, with the certainty that the Cabinet of England would take the first oppor- tunity, in concert with the Holy Alliance, of overthrowing their constitutional throne? What is it that has hitherto kept down the war party in the French Cabinet? The certainty that the friends of order, who are also the friends of liberty, were cordially supported by a British Ministry as much attached to the cause of order, but quite as friendly t « > the principle of freedom, as the Constitutionalists of France. No sooner hall it be known in that country that the GREY Adminis- tration has fallen here than the war party and the ultra- liberals will unite, and exclaim, " Our safety is in action,, our danger in suspense." Where will our self- called Con- servatives bo when the tide of revolutionary feeling shall roll towards them from France?' They cannot raise the cry of " the country is in danger;" for men wilt then perceive they have no cboioe between the adoption of principles which they would, nover have willingly enter- tained,. and submission to a despotism disgraceful to the British name. We dread' to think of the alternative to which these wild unthinking men will drive us. Here they have forced a King, who lived in the hearts of his people, to become the enemy of his people's rights. IN France, they have torn down tlie distinction between freedom and revolution, and compelled a constitutional King to disregard tbe coun- sels of wise and temperate men— to. throw himself into the arm3 of a war faction; and,, in seeking satety from despo- tism, to run. the chances of anarchy, by which the cause of true liberty in both countries may be materially impaired. What blindness— what infatuation— what political guilt do we here perceive. It is not the cause of Parliamentary Reform alone that is in danger by the accession to power of the unprincipled and factious place hunters— who have now an ascendancy near the throne— the cause of liberty is menaced throughout the world. PARLIAMENTARY DRA WINGS. tional guardian— by whose will he constitutionally exists. We added our belief that the King's firmness would not be shaken— and that it would be to insult him to suppose that he could violate his pledge. The result we freely admit has not borne out our anticipation. The King yielded,— he refused to create Peers— he accepted the resignation of Lord GREY— he had the weakness to suppose that he could induce the Duke of RICHMOND to desert his col leagues and degrade himself— he had the still greater • weakness to suppose that he could detach and retain Lord BROUGHAM. The pitiable presumptuous creatures around him, who are the tools of Toryism and intrigue, told him he might easily gain the Duke by his Tory sym pathies and straightened private fortune, and the Chan The Duchess of BERRY was not the person who was cap tured in tbe steam boat. We shall make but one observation, or rather we will throw out one suggestion on tbe above intelligence. I the intrigue which has driven Lord GREY from the GO vernment, and put the Duke of WELLINGTON in bis place, designed to reduce British counsels into harmony with tbe paternal counsels of Russia, Prussia, and Austria,— and is tbe appearance of BOURMONT, tbe Duke's good friend, a concurrent part of the generaljtloly Alliance plot PARLIAMENTARY PASTIME. It is stated in the Courier of Friday that the war party in the French Cabinet have been regularly gaining the ascendancy since the indisposition of M. PERIER. We un cellor, by a certain unscrupulous versatility of ambition, I derstand, indeed, from our own sources that for some time which Tories and the ignorant are foolish enough to ascribe past the French Minister of War, Marshal SOULT, has to one of the most uncompromising public men. The re- been labouring hard to counteract the influence of M suit was what might be expected. It is understood to PERIER and M. SEBASTIAN), and to induce tho King to have affected him to a degree which would disarm in- cultivate the good opinion of the liberal party at home, dignation by the spectacle of his distress. He next rather than to conciliate the ultra party abroad. SOULT made overtures to the waverers, but they, according imagines that the resources of France are even now more to some, were frightened out of their wits by the sue- than equal to the demands which a contest with Foreign cess of their own manoeuvres,— iudignant, according Powers would cause; and, sensible of the increasing power to others, at their having been used as mere instru- of tbe liberals, advises a bold and determined effort ' ments, and practised on as if they were absolute dolts by in support of the principles of the Revolution of July, M. the Tory intriguers. Foiled here again, he threw himself PERIER and M. SEBASTIANI ir. OFE prudent and. have, If thus past favours you requite, A pity ' tis— it must be owned— Compassion for your pauper plight Was not— like Schedule A— postponed. HYPOCRITES AND TORIES. As hypocrites, in saintly guise, Mask every base intendment; Tories, when ruin they devise, Are clamorous for " amendment." THE CLERICAL RIDER. That Prelate straight should be sent back To Coventry, with right good will, Who did not scruple thus to tack A fatal Rider to the Bill. TRUTH FOR THE TORIES. So— Grey's resigned !— ye Tories, bask Not thus in fancied exultation : Ye'll find it no such easy task To teach TIN PEOPLE resignation. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, MAY 10.— Notice is hereby given, that his Majesty will hold a Levee at St. James's Palace, on Wednesday next; and on every succeeding Wednesday till further notice. WHITEHALL, MAY 10.— The King has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal, granting the dignity of Baron of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, unto the following persons and the heirs male of their bodies lawfully begotten, viz. :— Lord Francis Godolpin Osborne, by the name, style, and title of Baron Godolpin, of Farnbam Royal, in the county of Bucks ; Lucius Viscount Falkland, by the name,' style, and title of Ba- ron Hunsdon, of Scutterskelfe, in the county of York ; and Charles Dundas, Esq. by the name, style, and title of Baron Amesbury, of Kintbury, Amesbury, and Barton- court, in the county of Berks, and of As ton- hall, in the county of Flint, LORD JOHN RUSSELL. There are too' many instances of the little effect of a noble name in prompting the descendants of great men to generous actions and exalted enterprise, to induce us to attach any very high importance, iu a moral view, to hereditary honours. " Stemmata quid faciunt" breaks involuntarily from our lips, as we look down from the gallery of the House of Lords to that body in which the descendants of heroes and martyrs are assembled. But we must own that any jacobin instinct on our part is a good deal mitigated by such exceptions as are pre- sented by the subject of this sketch, and that we become, to a certain extent, reconciled to the deviations which are committed by others from the patterns held out by their ancestry— by the adherence of such a man as Lord John Russell to the principles which constitute the most illustrious portion of the nobility of his name. It might, with more than plausibility, he alleged, that he must from his cradle have been familiar with glorious references of a domestic kind— that a love of his country must have been instilled into his mind from the moment in which he could become susceptible of that fine passion— and that the names of men who were the authors of liberty, or its saviours, and are canonised by the public veneration, were among hi* first, and have ever continued to be his household words. We shall not insist, in opposition to this conjecture in favour of the domestic advantages of nobility, as a nursery of public virtue, that for this and other instances a horde of examples of dege- neracy and of degradation might at once be produced, and that it would be only requisite to turn over the pages of Lodge's Peerage to establish the opposite conclusion ; a single case like that of Lord John Russell affords a kind of redemption to his order : and it recommends, as an incentive to greatness, the transmission of dignity and ennobled rank, which, as in the instance before us, may make patriotism an hereditament, and impart to the virtues of those who have done the best service to their country the descendible qualities of their names. Nature has not been so kind in endowing the person as the mind of Lord John Russell. His figure and face afford few evidences of his character, and in his entire configuration it would be difficult to detect any traits of that elevation of feeling and of thinking by which hia intellectual aspect is distinguished. He is diminutive in stature, and his countenance is cast in a small and inexpressive mould. His complexion is pale and sickly; his features not happily nor symmetrically formed; and his eyes are of an ordinary blue, in which little of the ethereal fire can be discovered. These disadvantages are, per- haps, rendered a little more remarkable by the effort which he makes to correct or extenuate them. He holds himself as erect as if he had- been impaled, and makes an obvious endeavour to make an ascent from his humbler dimensions into a more digni- fied altitude. There is, in truth, a practical antithesis between his bearing and his size ;— the latter is stamped with petitesse, and the other is distinguished' by its aspirations at pre- eminence and height. Those who are well acquainted with Lord John Russell express themselves as exceedingly partial to him, and call him " John Russell." Some, indeed, are to be found who use this familiar appellation in order to shew on what terms they stand with a< nobleman, and give to the phrase,, with a smile of self- congratulation at their familiarity with tbe great, a pecu- liarly affected enunciation—" Have you seen John Russell * This is the mode in which gentlemen, holding inferior offices in the Treasury,, speak of the mover of the Reform Bill ; but " John Russell" has, notwithstanding this retrenchment from his dignity which certain of' his acquaintance permit themselves, a deportment of an exceedingly aristocratic kind. His salutation is cold, and phlegmatic, and there is a certain langour in his smile, and measure in his utterance, which impresses those to whom he addresses himself with a notion that he not only re- gards himself ( as he is well justified in doing) as eminent for his political station, but as- raised by his rank beyond the ordinary level of society. Of tlws defect he is probably unconscious, but it must be acknowledged by the best friends of the Whigs, that, however unwittingly, they often give offence to the pride of the persons with whom accident may compel them to associate.— There is in some of the members of the late Government a tone of " clique"— an exclusive demeanour— a look which says " you are not of us"— anair of Almack convenance, not intended, but more provoking than a negative at the Treasury, or a sar- casm in a debate. But what are these imperfections compared to their signal merits as public men ; and who would not prefer expatiating on the talents and accomplishments of Lord John Russell, to dwelling on foibles which do not so much belong to him as an individual, as to the class amongst which he moves, where habits are as contagious as the accents of those with whom we are familiar. Lord John Russell, as a public man, has never, in any single particular, departed from his pro- fessed principles. He has been the uniform and ardent friend of popular rights. The cause of reform was adopted by him at the outset of his life— he has remained devotedly faithful to it; and when it was deserted by almost all its other advocates, and scarcely a voice was heard in the Parliament or in the country, he not only abided at its side, but never despaired of its success. That cause, both by his writings and his speeches, he most essentially contributed to maintain. It is true that in the former he advanced opinions a little at variance with the late plan which he has brought forward ; but his vindication is complete. The change of circumstances has rendered a change in the mea- sure indispensable, and it became necessary to enlarge the de- mands of the people, in proportion to the obstinacy with which a compliance with their demands was denied. His works are written with great clearness, purity of diction, and force. As a public speaker, if his delivery had corresponded with the ardour of his sentiments and the loftiness of his views, he would have reached the highest reputation. He has a perfect command of the best language : it is ornate without artifice, and forcible without exaggeration. The sentences, although quite unpreme- ditated, are compact and round; the sense and cadence are always full, and finished; and occasionally a great beauty of illustration and felicity of reference are observable in his oratory. But he wants that which is, after all, indispensable for the pro- duction of great effects in popular assemblies. He has no fervour : he is not unimpressive; but there is an absence of emotion in his gesture and in his utterance which takes away from the power of passages of a high order in point of composition, and which, if delivered by a better piaster of elocution, would raise his May 13. THE TOW*. 1* 7 of auditory to the highest point of excitement. Of the justness of this remark a strong example not very long ago occurred. Sir Robert Peel cited a passage from one of his speeches against any sudden or violent change in the Constitution, in which he drew an illustration from the story of Aladdin, and the cry of " old lamps for new ones." This passage, when delivered by Lord John Russell himself, created no kind of effect; but when re- peated by Sir Robert Peel, with that skill and force of which he, beyond all question, is in a very high degree possessed, the House of Commons rang with acclamations. It is almost unnecessary to say, that Lord John Russell is a man of the highest honour and the greatest worth. He is re- garded by all those who have ever had any opportunity of form- ing of him a moral estimate, as a man of a peculiarly exalted and chivalrous character. He is incapable of a mean sentiment, and inaccessible to an inglorious emotion. Never to affect a feel- ing which he did not experience— never to utter a word at va- riance with his conviction— never to do to any man an injustice or a harm, has been his rule and uniform practice. Truth, calmness, determination, loftiness of view, inflexibility of intent, and disinterestedness of purpose, are among his characteristics. At the moment that we write, his great measure is trem- bling in the balance. The fate of the Reform Bill may be doubtful; it may be matter of conjecture, whether in this great struggle the oligarchy or the people shall prevail: but the cha. racter of Lord John Russell, unlike his measure, is independent of events ; it is built on the high and enduring basis of an im- mutable integrity, and history will look back to it for no other purpose than that of unqualified commendation. TOWN TALK. It has been rumoured at the Clubs, but with what truth we know not, that the Marquis of Worcester, Lord Tullamore, and Lord Forrester, will fill high official situations in the new Admin- istration. Lord Rokeby, it is said, has refused to be Privy Seal. This, we think, is carrying his modesty too far, as an office long filled by Lord Westmoreland cannot require any extraordinary abilities. Lord Belfast has, it is stated, applied to the going out, and coming in Administration, as on a former similar occasion, with • n humble request to be remembered— a request that we are quite certain will be complied with 1 1 A curious circumstance has lately occurred in high life, which the following are the particulars:— A nobleman, from motives purely political, found it necessary to decline receiving from or paying visits to, a certain lady of distinction, and wrote to her ladyship to that effect. The offended lady injudiciously displayed the letter to many of her acquaintances, which reach- ing the ears of the writer, he sent a noble friend to remonstrate with the lady, and to state, that if she continued to show the letter he would expose many of her's ; the fair delinquent re- plied that if his lordship did so, she would print and publish all his— and here rests this curious affair, which excites much amuse ment in the circle where both parties move. It is said that though the lady shows the letters, she does not exhibit the notes she receives. Amongst the on dits, it is reported that the Speaker will be called to the Upper House, and will take a leading part in the new Administration. We shall be sorry to see him leave the ve- nerable structure he has so long occupied, and which he seemed born to fill, offering in his own person one of the finest speci- mens existing of the florid Gothic. Was it to the late or present Speaker that Rogers's description applies ?— " Pomposo sacrifices sense to sound, And when but dull, imagines he's profound." The Duke of Wellington has issued cards for a grand ball on the 18th, at which their Majesties have signified their intention of being present. FASHIONABLE PARISIAN INTELLIGENCE.— The political com- motions continually taking place, aided by the cholera, have thrown a general gloom over the society at Paris, and the few houses at present open are those of English or foreigners. Lady Keith, better known as Madame de Flahault, whose house has hitherto been considered the focus of fashion, has lately yielded the palm to Mrs. Graham, at whose reunions party politics, or at least any violent ebullitions of them, being interdicted, people of all opinions meet, and the brilliancy and ion ton of the society, have given an iclat to the agreeable hostess that has far eclipsed the former celebrity attached to Ma- dame de Flahault and her soirees. Madame Delmar has opened her splendid mansion, and has given some good concerts, and the Countess Walewski has given occasional dinners and small parties. This lady is now among the elite of fashion, and the marked distinction with which she is treated by a scion of the reigning house of Bourbon, while it excites no little jealousy amongst the French ladies, has elevated her to the pinnacle of Parisian notoriety. Count Walewski, the fashionable husband of this distinguished lady, is an illegitimate son of Napoleon, to whom he is said to bear a striking resemblance. The Princess Bagration is still the life of the select circle to which she con- fines her receptions; and the fascination of her manners, joined to the ease and agreeability of the society that meet there, render her house the most recherchie, as it has long been la mieux month. The only gaiety that enlivens our triste sijour at Paris, was the marriage of the Prince de Chalis with the daughter of the Duke de Noailles. This was conducted with all the splendour and etiquette of the ancien regime. The Trousseau and Corbeille were magnifique, and might have seduced the most unwilling votaries of the saffron robed god to submit to her chains. The Faubourg St. Germain has suffered an irreparable loss in the death of M. La Duchessa de Montcalm ; she was the point central of reunion of all that quartier: an ultra royaliste de la premiere force, she was so amiable and dignified, that she seemed born to reconcile our present degage manners with those of la Vieille Cour. The cholera could not have taken any in- dividual at Paris who creates a greater sensation or leaves a greater void. WHITEHALL MAY 5.— The King has been graciously pleased to order a writ to be issued under the Great Seal of the United . Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, for summonsing Robert . Wilson, of Didington and of Ashwellthorpe, in the county of Norfolk, Esq. to the House of Peers, by the name, style, and title of Baron Berners, he being eldest coheir of the said Barony, as lineally descended from Jane, daughter, and eventually sole heir, of Sir J. Bourchier, the last Lord Berners, and which Barony was created by writ of summons in the reign of King Henry the Sixth,, NECESSITY AND PLAN OF'A REFORM IN THE LORDS' HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT. THE EXHIBITION OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY. TO THE ELECTORS OF WESTMINSTER. GENTLEMEN,— In every battle of Reform the precedence is yours. You have ever been the antesignani in the field. For several years, through good and evil report, whilst this great cause was abandoned by the faithless, the weak, and the apathetic— persecuted by state criminal's, who have found refuge and impunity in their insignificance or in the grave— maligned by the hireling zealots— and ridiculed by the in- solent minions of the Borough Oligarchy— you alone main- tained the citadel, and kept the colours flying. This was much, but you did more : you triumphed over the Oligarchy and the Court upon their own ground, in the midst of their wealth, their power, their patronage, their blandishments, their immediate connexions, their dependents, and their parasites. You did not merely defeat— you extinguished them as an adverse party— you drove them from the field for ever. You proved by experiment that the most democratic constituency in the kingdom could be orderly and incorrupt. You gave a periodical lesson and perpetual model in Reform to your countrymen. To maintain this precedence, at the present crisis, is not less your duty than your right; and that you will maintain it I can not doubt. It is, therefore, that I address you upon the text and title at the head of this letter. The theme is one which may startle the timid, and fire the impassioned; but it will be viewed by you with the fearless hardihood of reason and opinion, which distinguishes Englishmen and freemen. Do not imagine that it is the suggestion of the alarming crisis produced by the recent vote of the House of Lords. It is a conviction co- existent with my first deliberate opinion on Re- form, which struck me, and still strikes me, as lying on the very surface of the question. So clear does it appear to me that I think the simple putting of the case will force the conclusion irresistibly. We have, it is said, a House of Commons and House of Lords, independent deliberative branches of the legislature. This is an egregious and flimsy delusion, imposed upon the common sense and perceptions of Englishmen, under the name of " theory of the constitution." The two Houses are, on the contrary, but two NATIONAL GALLERY, WESTMINSTER. In our next number we shall say a few words on the general I On Monday evening this exhibition re- opened, after a short character of this exhibition, and' on the present state of the recess, during which, it was understood, several artists of emi- pictoral art in this conntry. At present we shall confine our- nence, assisted by distinguished amateurs, had been actively selves to a slight detail of the merits or demerits of a few ol the endeavouring to arrange the position of the principal pictures. pictures. 1. Cheerfulness, portrait of a lady, J. Partridge. Prettily con- ceived, but not executed with equal success. 6. Portraits of a lady and gentleman, with an infant child, R. R. Reinagle, R. A. Abominable. 7. Death of General Sir John Moore, G. Jones, R. A. A pic- ture combining the usual defects and merits of Mr. Jones's style ; forcible and natural, but muddy, and unfinished. 14. Portrait of her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, R. Rothwell. A very striking picture; indeed, one of the most strik- ing in the exhibition. It is boldly, and richly coloured; but its great defect is want of delicacy ; there is a coarseness about the execution of the features, which not only detracts from the ele- gance of the subject, but almost imparts to it an air of vulgarity. Her Royal Highness is known as a smart dresser, and the por- trait has caught much of this character, the hat especially, looks as though it had just been achieved in Paris. 19. Portraits of the children of a gentleman amusing them- selves in a garden, R. R. Reinagle, R. A We really do not seek to censure ; we would willingly, on all occasions, avoid the un- pleasant office ; but these portraits are so flagrantly bad, that we cannot allow them to escape the most severe reprobation. 28. The Fjir Maid of Perth, St. Valentine's Morn, W Allan, A. A very pretty subject; but not treated with the talent one might expect in Mr. Allan. 30. Portrait of Rajah Rammohun Roy, H. P. Briggs, R. A. elect. A very agreeable, but not striking portrait; the shawl is beautifully painted. 52. A scene in Ihe Isle of Wight, H. Darnell, R. A. A pleas- ing, but rather common- place view. 62. Portraits of Lady Coote, and child. A very disagreeable picture, by Pickersgill. 93. Portrait of Miss Carlisle, H. Howard, R. A., this artist's usual merits and defects ; forcibly, but too smoothly coloured. The hand and mouth are enormous. hands, or two wings, or two claws of the same body, surmounted I ni. Portrait of B. Walrond, Esq. M. P. A most formal and by the same head, animated by the same heart, and governed by unpleasant portrait; it looks as though it had just migrated from the same instinct. The borough oligarchy forms a component a second rate perfumer's shop majority of the House of Lords; exercises its rights of over- seership over its proprietory majority of the House of Commons, and thus holds enthralled the people, the crown, and all that is truly English in the aristocracy. It will be said, that the ma- jority of 80 in the House of Commons, against the supreme usurping oligarchy of the House of Lords, disproves this asser- tion— far from it. That majority is not an ordinary natural result of the constituent powers and properties of the House of Commons, but the consequence of an extraordinary manifesta- tion of the will and intentions of the nation, joined with some- thing of British spirit which even a bad system could not wholly destroy. But I will put the question to you thus— and leave you to answer it. Have you a doubt that the House of Commons of 132. Portrait of his Grace the DukeofDevonshire, E. Landseer R. A. One of the best pictures in the exhibition, and a striking likeness. 138. Portrait of the Earl of Mulgrave, H. P. Briggs, R. A., elect. Another very strong resemblance. It represents the Noble Lord with his most ingratiating smile. We here conclude, purposely reserving the principal pictures for more elaborate criticism. THE OPERA. Some of the figures glared out, from the unnatural light in which, they seemed not only placed, but immoveably fixed, like hideous masses of ill- assorted colouring, and unsightly daubs ; reminding us of nothing but those shapeless blotches set in tinselled slips of deal, lately adopted for the delusive embellishment of Italian saloons. The hanging committee had evidently been unmindful of its duty, or exercised its functions to very little purpose; for many of the heads manifested the unskilfulness of their execu- tion— a complaint that was met by the plea, that all the heads in this collection are exempt from the operations of the hanging committee. We predict that the Gallery can never again be- come popular unless the managers make up their minds to Reform it altogether." To us— though we are free to con- fess, the most prominent subjects have lost all novelty, and tha majority of them all favour in our eyes— even with the adven- titious aid of gilt fillagre- work and coronet- topped frames, those on the left- hand side of the gallery ( taking our view from the canopied chair placed for the accommodation of the chief patron and president of the society) appeared more worthless than ever ; evincing, now that the gloss is somewhat worn off, and the flaws and blotches stand out, in their present unseemly light, not onlj poverty of mind, but want of spirit in the design and of truth in the composition. Amongst them were many old figures that have no longer any business in a national gallery ; for even the traces of talent are no longer discernible in them, and nothing remains of the first crude conception but the harsh and scratchy outline. Others again appeared to us much more adapted for the external or internal decoration of Punch's portable booth than for the place into which their owners obtruded them, with- out the slightest regard to the dictates of propriety or good taste. The attempt to make such special hurly- burly and trick pass with the million for specimens of any thing British in art or nature, failed, as all such efforts of charlatanry, whether in painting, poetry, or politics, inevitably must fail. In the words of a conservative critic, " such fungous matter, growing on the stem of art, is symptomatic of internal disease and decay; and unless it be arrested, it must eventually destroy all within." But it is time for us to dash " in medias res;" and so " we'll e'en to't, like French falconers— fly at any thing we meet," on the " main gauche," or left hand side of the gallery, as we have be- fore duly premised. No. 60. " Cardinal Wolsey." From the Waterloo Collection. This is a clever picture by ARTHUR, an Irish artist of great cele- brity, and who once enjoyed unbounded popularity, for which, however, he was solely indebted to his battle pieces With that vanity peculiar to the peculiarly gifted men of all profu- sions, and which leads them to desert the path of success for the most extraordinary experiments, Arthur abandoned the lint in which he had been unrivalled, and tried his hand at cabinet subjects. Notwithstanding that he himself once acknowledged that it would be " absolute madness" in him to undertake such, a branch of the art, and all parties, friends and foes, were of the same opinion, yet when the whim possessed him, he never could rest till he had gratified his ambition by putting the ver- KING'S THEATRE.— On Wednesday night the series of Ger- man operas announced by Mr. Monk Mason in his prospectus, commenced here by the representation of the popular and well- known opera of Der Freischutz. This production is so fami- o the present Reforming hour, if left to act freely upon its own I liar to all play and opera goers, from the many versions given of satility of his powers to the test; and not even the mo° st decided bent and wishes, without any extrinsic controul or fear of con- 1 it at our native theatres, and even those parts of the music not failure can convince him of his mistake. Indeed the very word . ,,,.., . , , , , , . , " mistake" is blotted out of his vocabulary. ... . f , . ... . 4 , . t included in those versions have been so often heard in public No. 35. " The Rat- catcher," by COPLEY. Strange to say, a majority would have been not of eighty for, but of eighty or more and private concerts, that it becomes altogether unnecessary to bad copy, from the hand of an able master. The original was against Lord Ebnngton's motion? Have you a doubt that if Live any judgment on its dramatic or musical merits. The exhibited three seasons ago by an Irish artist, who acquired thereby this extraordinarymanifestation of thenational will disappeared— house on Wednesday night was the fullest by many hundreds of the s'jfjri'l" et of " Rat ." In the composition before us, if this intrinsic controul and fear of consequences ceased to ope- spectators of the season ; indeed, as far as pit and gallery were S^ t^ f^'^ fc rate if the people were inconceivably mad, or base enough to concerned, it was an overflow. The applause was frequent, tainly the fidelity with Which the owl- like eyes, blinking under place their neck again quietly under the foot of the oligarchy— sometimes pretty general, but not always judicious. This may harsh pent- house brows are hit off, entitle him to the highest have you a doubt, that the House of Commons, as at present con- be in part accounted for from the fact of a very large portion of merit' in sacrificing personal vanity to the vraisemblance of the stituted, according to the precious " theory of the constitution," the audience being the compatriots of the performers. The city Pf ™ '' The, Midas"! ike in f ™ 1' the head ° f i, . • , , ,, , , ., , . 1 i ° catcher is enveloped, gives it somewhat the appearance of an owl would not again become the humble slave of the power to which poured forth all its German denizens, a not insignificant body, 1 ' - - - 1 ' B 11 it owes its existence ? to welcome and support their countrymen. The sound of the Now let us suppose a House of Commons reformed, that is language, and music of their father- land upon a foreign stage, very representing because elected by the people— not returned by no- naturally excited their enthusiasm, and rendered them any thing mination or venality— and let us imagine such a House of Com- but critical with regard to the merit of the performance. En- mons starting in the career of legislation and government, with thusiasm is contagious ; and the English moiety of the specta- I Shakspeare's " man of clay," it exhibits a disgusting libel on the such a yoke- mate as an hereditary, independent, co- ordinate, in tors joined in the plaudits, without stopping to inquire if such human lace divine, in the mingled character of the tiger and the short, unreformed House of Lords- what will be the obvious were justly or not due. From these premises it may be supposed g NOTO'^' B^ LY BOLM^' from the BUCKINGHAM Boudoir, consequence ? Why that when the relations of the two engines We are hostile to the introduction of the German opera,- the We cannot think how it could enter into the artist's imagination are thus changed by reforming the one and leaving the other very contrary, however, is the fact. We are ardent admirers of to depict the withered weaver of the Midsummer Night's Dream, what it is, when the operating principles and powers of the one | the musical genius of Germany, and give Mr. Mason the fullest I as anotller Falstaff, " a gross fat man, as fat as butter." But in an ivy bush. No. 64. " The Grave- digger in Hamlet." From the KEW Collection. This is a sad daub ; and if intended, as we presume, for " Fancy's Sketch," betrays a worse than foolish fancy in the artist; nay, a very depraved imagination in the exhibitor. In- stead of presenting us with the grave and grotesque humour of are in direct contrariety to those of the other, they must act not in concert but in mutual opposition,— that either one must over come and drag along the other, by force and violence, or that the people must be perpetually present to check and chastise the perverse bias, and jog and lash the lazy pace of the reluctant power,— or else that the machinery of government must stand still. Imagine the spirited steed, intent only upon the course, yoked with the dull self- willed ass, stopping to crop the rich herbage or lie down in luxurious ease, and you have some idea of the concordant march of a reformed House of Commons and an unreformed House of Lords in the highway of the constitution. The Tories have acknowledged the fact, and put it conclusively mired" unanimity, joined in a laudatory chorus on the perfec- ,.,.., ,. ,. ,, • „ , ,, , tion of this first representation. But to come to particulars, tor tneir sine ot tne question, were tne premise allowed. A re- The principal; female part, Agatha, was, on this occasion, per- formed House of Commons," says that applauded and unread formed by Madame deMerie, who gave the music of it with sweet- historian, Mr. Hallam, " cannot carry on the government with the ness and grace ; but when we recollected Mrs. Wood's splendid existing House of Peers, therefore you must maintain your un- POWERS in the same character, we could not set down Madame de Meric's exertions as anything like perfection. Madame Schnei- credit for the excellence of his project; but this, like many other of his managerial projects, though excellent in conception, he has marred in the execution. To have given proper eclat, and secured a permanent prestige to the German opera on its first introduction here, he should have procured the best com- pany that Germany could afford. If he have done so, and that the present company contains some of the first- rate German sing- ers, then the inevitable conclusion is, that first- rate singing amongst so musically organized and educated a people as the Germans is of a very minor description when compared with the higher vocal talent, not only of Italy and France, but even of | England. We are fully aware that upon this point we are at issue with our daily contemporaries, who have, with most " ad- reformed House of Commons." This is a having done so, he was of course right in adopting a greasiness of colouring suiting the subject. It seems a slippery affair alto- gether. At one corner of the picture we see " Morland" legibly enough pencilled in ; but whether this was done to give a tem- porary eclat to the subject in some country exhibition, or for what purpose, it matters not; there are no visible traces of the Morland in the compositinn. No. 66. " The Idiot Boy," from the GLOUCESTER Gallery. A sorry sketch— a bald disjointed production. No. 45. " The Tame Elephant," from the ELLENBOROUGH Ex- hibition. The sly simper, lascivious leer, and grinning grimace, are more characteristic of the baboon or the monkey, than of the greatest of beasts," as the lexicographers style him. The glossy ringlets wherewith the elephant's brows are decorated, seem actually redolent of " Thine incomparable oil, Macassar;" but the cuckoo that has made its nest in the ear of the said ele- phant, displays a proof of docility more creditable to the fancy of the artist, than expressive of the nature of the beast. No. 1. " Tricks upon Travellers," from the private collection of Dr. PHILLPOTTS. This picture is remarkable only for the inge- drawn from the latent false premise— that the House of Lords must not be reformed— cannot be touched. I substitute another conclusion, viz., that you must reform the House of Lords too. I shall now examine more in detail the causes which render impossible a concurrent working of a reformed House of Com- falsp rnnsenuenr- p = """""" "" j """' 6 ouuuei- oi ruiLLPOTTS. lms remarKaoie tor tne lnge- eo sequence, der> who played the sec0nd female character, has an organ of nuity of the publican- ostler, in slipping the corn into his own very slender pretensions, and her action, though animated, I pocket, whilst pretending to fill the rack with oats. wanted grace and rounding off. Max, the hero of the piece, was No. 3. " Janus," from the WHARNCLIFFE Gallery. There is a personated by Haitzinger, who has a clear and pleasing tenor rare merit in this picture, in so much as the features of the two voice, but of no great compass, for let him force it ever so little, faced deity bear an extraordinary resemblance to the noble pro- it immediately becomes harsh and defective in intonation. As prietor. an actor, he is rather below than above mediocrity ; his action is No. 89. " The Crocodile," an original antique from the ca- mons and an unreformed House of Lords, and shall in my next I abrupt, and his attitudes ungainly. A singer, namedjPelligrmi, with binet of Lord ELDON. The trickling tears falling down the scaly and succeeding addresses to you, vindicate your right, and state a moderately giftedbass voice, was the representative of Caspar, the wrinkles of this animal's face, would draw sympathetic dews tempter. The great merit, after all, of this company, ( as far as the " down Pluto's cheek." performance of Der Freischutz allowed us to judge) lies in the No. 2. " The Decoy Ducks," from the HARROWBY collection, chorus. Their precision of tone, and unison of voice, must have A picture quite worthy of the subject. indeed appeared wonderful to the frequenters of this theatre, | No. 70. " Fluellin," from Lord CARNARVON'S collection, accustomed as they have been to the abortive attempts at har- my views of the mode by which a constitutional sympathy may be established between the two Houses Your obedient servant, SANSPEUR. [ We are reluctantly obliged, by the press of matter, to post- pone the remainder of this letter till next week.— EDITOR.] CHOLERA MORBUS. CHOLERA CASES IN LONDON. New cases, 8 | Dead, 2 | Recovered, 0 | Remaining, 29. Total from commencement:— Cases, 2,614— Deaths, 1,373. IN THE COUNTRY. New cases, 61 | Dead, 25 | Recovered, 32 | Remaining, 186. Total from commencement:— Cases, 9,691— Deaths, 3,608, mony usually made by the choral force, ( quere ? feebleness) of the establishment. The Jager chorus, sung without accom- paniment, was very effective, produced an encore, and was de cidedly the most palpable hit of the evening. The applause ( for reasons already explained,) was rather tumultuous at the fall of I the curtain, and continued until Mesdames de Meric and Schneider and Haitzinger re- appeared, and made their obeisances i to their friends. The mise en scene, or getting up of this opera, is utterly mesquin, and would be discreditable to tfie smallest of the Minors, More remarkable for spirit than for the taste and discretion of the artist. The motto " means something," we presume :— " Why, I pray you now is not pig great ? The pig, or the great, or the mighty, or the huge, or the magnanimous, are all one reckonings, save the phrase is a little variations." No. 72. " Justice Shallow," contributed expressly to this ex- hibition by Lord WYNFORE. This is a misconception, or a mis- nomer, altogether. There is too much fire in the eye, too much anger on the brow ; the features are " too tremblingly alive aU over," for Master Robert Shallow. ( To be continued.) THE TOWJf May 13. HOUSE, OF COMMONS. [ Continued from our 3d paffe. ~\ this for his Majesty to create as many - peers as would ( enable us to carry the reform bill through the Hawse of Lords in all its efficiency." ( A burst of cheers followed this announcement, toy far the most enthusiastic, universal, and long- continued we ewer witnessed within the walla of Parliament.) Ministers were uot to be blamed for what they had done. ( Cheers.) But when he said this, did he cast any censure - upon any other party ? By no means. Although ministers had felt it their duty to pursine the course which he had described, tihey had no right, they had no desire to impute blame to any other quarter. With respect to the motion, he still retained the opinion which he expressed last night— that it would be better ® ot to bring it forward at the present time. The town, member, however, had 110 right to say, that it Was a motion to force - the King to take him ( Lord Al- thorp) and his colleagues back into his councils. The motion was one which it was not unnatural should be made by persons who were anxious for the success of the bill. " The measure had • proceeded to a certain extent, and was still in existence, and the occurrences which had taken place had left it in a state in which it was in the power of any administration which might succeed that which lately existed to carry it through. This being the ease, it was not unnatural that those who were anxious for the • success of the bill should take the constitutional course of pro- posing an address to his Majesty, not to appoint an administra- tion which would not he pledged to carry Che bill through in all its efficiency. That was simply the object of the motion which his noble friend had made, and really, from what had passed in another place, he could not see why it should not be considered very possible for his Majesty to obtain an administration t ® succeed that which had resigned, which would carry the bill through all its parts. ( Prolonged cheers and laughter.)— — Mr. HUME spoke at great length. In alluding to Mr. Baring, he observed, the hon. member had professed utter ig- norance of the cause of ministers' resignation, A child just arrived from Otaheite could not have been more uninformed on the subject How could any man, with two eyes or two ears living in the metropolis, and reading the newspapers, pretend to be ignorant on this head ? The hon. member complained of the motion, and so did he, but it was only because it did not go further. That house had the privilege of offering the King ad- vice ; and, moreover, if he should not follow that advice, they had the power of controlling him. The hon. member then en- tered into a history of the bill, in the course of which, amowgst other remarks, he said there was a learned lord, one of the judges of the land, by the by, who was to bring in this new bill of reform. Talk of the public principles of that noble lard 1 ( Immense . cheering for some minutes from the ministerial • benches.) * Why, if the hon. member below him could forget the various contradictory speeches made by that noble lord when a • member of this house, he ( Mr. Hume) could not— if the hon. member, with all his great wit, had a memory so short as not to recollect the various changes of opinion which that noble lord had been so constant in committing, he had not; the plain matter . of fact was this— was there a single old woman, Whig or Tory, revolutionary or conservative, who for five minutes could trust in a single declaration of that noble lord ? ( Immense ministe- ' rial cheering.) And yet this noble lord, it was said, was to be • at the head— oh, such a head— of the new administration. , There was another noble duke, who had given notice of his in- tention t ® bring in a little bill, which fiad been styled appro- priately enough a ridiculum mus. ( Roars of laughter.) The weight which that noble duke possessed both in and out of the house was almost appalling ; but when he ventured upon argu- ment the puniest whisper was almost a match for him. He al- ways spoke as if he were addressing himself to the Holy Alliance. In continuation, the Hon. Member said, he, ( Mr. Hume) for one, , considered the consequences of the present state of things so serious, he looked upon the conduct of his Majesty himself so ill advised, that he ardently wished to know who the advisers were who had given his Majesty the counsel which had led to so melancholy and so unlooked- for a result. ( Great cheering.) [ Whilst uttering this sentence, Mr. Hume fixed his glance at the bar, where the Duke of Cumberland, the Marquis of Lon donderry, and Lord Lyndhurst were standing.] If his Majesty had Ministers, let him trust to none but those Ministers. ( Hear, hear.) If there were advisers behind the Throne, more power ful, perchance, than the Throne itself, let those advisers be un- masked. ( Great cheering for some minutes.) He believed that those advisers were at that moment within his hearing. If he had the power, he would tear the mask from their visages, and expose them, in all their political deformity, to the gaze and exe cration of the public. ( Great cheering.) They might depend upon it, that if they persisted in their present line of conduct, he would carry his threat into execution to the very letter. The Hon. Member then went on to say, that if men were selected to manage tire affairs of the country contrary to the declared wishes of the Representatives of tlie people— if men were selected in whom the people could place no confidence, then the conduct of the house ought to be to appoint parliamentary commissioners to take charge of the public purse. ( Repeated cheers.) In con- clusion he said, in the circumstances in which his Majesty's Ministers were placed, they were snot only justified, hut impera- tively called upon, to tell the Sovereign that they could not con- tinue in offiee, unless lie sanctioned a creation of 30, 40, or even 100 peers, ifneoessary. As to himself he could not, of course, know what the precise number was that they called for. It might have been 60 ; for himself he should not have objected to 100. But of one fact he felt convinced— that, if the King had given to his ministers a carte blanche for creating peers, not even so many as 10 would have been requisite. The reason why the anti- reform lords were so bold was, that some little bird had whispered to them that no new peers would be created. ( Cheers and laughter.) Those lords, however, had, somehow or other, become aware of the fact. He sincerely hoped that the house would, by its vote this night, cordially support ministers in tlie course they had taken, and bring the great measure of reform to a happy consummation. The hon. member then sat down amidst animated cheers from several parts of the house.— After some words in explanation, between Mr. Baring and Mr. Hume, — Lord MORPETH said, he deeply regretted the intelligence twhich had burst fflpon them so suddenly yesterday. He regretted it for the sake of the interests of the Crown, and of the peaceful- • reign of the Monarch. He regretted it for the sake of that government, to whose removal they all must look as inevitable, unless the House of Commons came forword with a firm and decisive support. ( Cheers.) Though he might not approve of all the measures of that Government, yet, considering the main essentials, he could not contemplate its dissolution without un- feigned regret. He hoped a convincing proof would . be afforded, by the vote of this night, that, if ministers retired, it would not be through any fault of the House of Commons. This was his earnest hope, and he felt confident as to the result. ( Cheers.)— Mr. ROBINSON concluded his observations on the subject be- fore the house by saying that the only question as it seemed to him, was, whether they were to have re& rm now, or after a few years' longer discussion, during which the country would be kept in agitation, suffering, and uncertainty i He should only add that the noble lord's motion had his cordial support, and he . eould not see how any one who voted for the reform bill could vote against that motion. ( Hear, hear,)— Lord SANDON ad- dressed the house in so low a tone that the tenor of his observa- tions was very imperfeetly understood in the gallery, and many of his sentences were wholly inaudible. We understood him to eon elude by stating he could only say that he was not Jess per- suaded than he had ever been that the affairs of this country could not be carried on by any Ministry without an extensive and effective reform ; and, as it was most desirable that the house should carry its conviction on this point to the foot of the Throne, he should give his vote for the motion of the noble lord. — Sir R, PEEL said he felt it necessary to say that he opposed nistraJkm, and because he differed from them as to the expe- diency of the measure which they proposed. He differed from them because what they proposed would establish a precedent dangerous at all times, but particularly so » t the present moment. He differed from them because he could not consent to the ex- tensive change which had been proposed in the constitution of that house. The opinions he had before expressed on this sub- ject were unchanged, and he owned that the apprehensions which he entertained on this subject were not diminished by what he had heard in the course of this night's debate, when he heard the recommendation made of withholding the supplies unless measures were carried to the extent which certain parties desired. The right hon. baronet, after expressing in detail his objections to each of the resolutions, concluded by opposing the motion.— Mr, O'CONNELL said, after the course which had been pur- sued in the other house, he hoped people would not be content with the measure as it now stood, but that they would claim more extensive rights and privileges. He entirely concurred in the resolutions which the noble lord had placed on the fair ground of confidence in the present ministers— he entirely concurred in them so far, without committing himself beyond what that de- claration imported. This was not an ordinary party motion— it was not a question as to how places were to be disposed of. No ; it was a question between slavery and freedom— it was a contest between liberty and despotism— it was a battle between the des- potism of a selfish oligarchy and the ardent hopes of a free horn people. He was glad the ministers had come to the resolution they had done. They could not have found a better— he doubted that they could have found so good— an opportunity of resigning their office. They had resigned in the full possession of their character, and of the confidence of the public, and he trusted that they would soon return to give the country the benefit of their services in that measure which the people were not base and degraded enough to suffer themselves to be deprived of.— Mr MACAULEY, afterpassing an eloquent eulogiumupon ministers, said, with respect to the resolutions before the house, they had his cordial support. The objections of the right hon. baronet, the member for Tamworth, he must confess, seemed to him scarcely worthy of his great powers, and his high standing in that house. He regretted that the right hon. baronet had urged those objections against a course which appeared to him not only in no respect to exceed former precedents, but to be in ac- cordance with the examples Of the best times, in recommending to the Sovereign a certain course in the choice of his ministry. The house unquestionably had a right to tender its respectful advice. He understood the resolutions exactly as the hon. member for Thetford did ; namely, as a recommendation to his Majesty to retain his present ministers; because he acknow ledged that he did not see out of what other materials such 1 ministry as was recommended could be found. He deeply re gretted to see that if the places of the present ministry were to be supplied from the opposite ranks, that the question of reform must be lost. If carried by such a ministry it must be in a mutilated form. A ministry created upon opposite princi- ples to the present must set itself in direct opposition to the people ; and the fate of such a ministry must resemble that of the French Minister Polignac, because it was opposed directly to the people's voice and wishes, as that of Polignac was to the wishes and feelings of the people of France. To oppose this popular feeling was vain. It would be a struggle against the whole population. Government might go forth in arms— they might pass gagging Bills, hut they would be worth no more than the paper or parchment upon which they were inscribed ; still, in office, they would rank as imbecile— as little men, in whose hands a great empire had perished. ( Hear, hear.) Let them remember the high duties and high privileges of their situ- ation, and believing their Gracious Sovereign had been misled by evil counsellors, let them prepare to act for the welfare of the public, and the protection of the hive of national in- dustry ; and by the display of their honest zeal in behalf of the State, place out of danger the authority of the law, and the majesty of the Crown. ( This speech was, throughout, received with repeated cheers.)— Sir CHAS. WETHERELL went at considerable length into a review of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers since their accession to office, and then coming to the motion before the house said what he objected to was neither more nor less than the forcibly thrusting the ministers upon the sovereign. ( Here the honourable and learned gentleman, in the heat of his gesticulation, struck Sir Robert Peel, who was sitting behind him, a blow on the fore- head, with his right hand. The assault caused some interrup tion, and the way in which the hon. baronet drew back, excited much laughter.) He did not impute concert between ministers and the noble lord, but he did think that this motion carried with it every appearance of concert. He could not agree in any one of the resolutions Of the conduct of ministers he altoge- ther disapproved; and, for one, he certainly would not vote in favour of any resolution which tended to replace them. ( Hear.) — Mr. SCHONSWAR expressed himself in favour of the mo- tion.— Mr. HUNT said it seemed that the Whig ministers, unable to carry reform themselves, were determined to take care that no one else should. He ( Mr. Hunt) believed that the people, were anxious for reform, but he believed that the great body of the well and sound- thinking people of this country did not care one rush whether that reform were carried by Whig or Tory. ( Hear.) For his own part he could place no confidence in the present ministers. He hoped that the house would givehim credit forconscientious motives in opposing the motion. ( Alaugh.) After a few words from Lord Ebrington, the question was put, and the house divided, when there appeared— For the motion, 288 ; Against it, 208— Majority for Ministers, 80. The an- nouncement of the numbers from the Chair was received with loud and continued cheers.-— Lord EBRINGTON then moved that, out of respect to the feelings of his Majesty, the Address be presented by all those members of the house who were mem- bers of his Majesty's Privy Council.—( Cheers).— After some observations by Sir C. Wetherell, Sir R. Vyvyan, Col. Sibthorp, and Sir R. Inglis, the Speaker put the question, and it was car- ried.-— The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and at a quarter to three o'clock the house adjourned. FRIDAY, MAY 11. After the presentation of some petitions, Lord EBRINGTON moved that the order for calling over the list of defaulters, be discharged, which was accordingly done. MANCHESTERPETITION— RESIGNATION OF MINIS- TERS.— Mr. J. WOOD rose to present a petition— the first, he ( believed, of thousands that the house would receive— arising from the recent defeat of the reform bill in the House of Lords. ( Hear, hear.) It prayed that this house would refuse to grant any supplies until the measure of reform was carried. ( Loud and . continued cheers.) This petition came from the important and populous town of Manchester. Yesterday morning a copy of the Courier, containing an account of the resignation of ministers, reached Manchester; a meeting was immediately called, at which 100,000 persons were present, and in the space of three hours this petition was signed by 25,000 individuals. ( Loud cheers.) He owed the utmost respect to tlie kingly office in this country ; but he also felt that he should hest pay that respect, and discharge his duty, by letting his Majesty know the truth. ( Cheers.) It was obvious to all that his Majesty in an evil hour had yielded to some malign back- stairs influence, and whether that influence had been exercised by man or woman, was of no couseqnen. ee ; but this he did know, that the King had unfortunately listened to an evil advice. ( Loud cheers.) He would then say to his Majesty, could he remain chief magistrate of this country with the assistance of the boroughmongering faction ? And if his Majesty thought that faction could any longer carry on the Government he was mistaken ; and he would further assure him, that the attempt todo so would lead to that fac- tion's being scattered to the four quarters of the globe. ( Cheers.) Mr. HEYWOOD rose to second the motion.— Mr. JAMES ( of Carlisle) ( supported the prayer of this petition ; and while he re- of their just rights ; or, in other words, until the reform bill was carried.— A rather lengthened conversation here took place between Col. Evans, Mr. Hume, and Mr. Baring, relative to a phrase said to have been uttered by the latter gentleman in a former debate, but which he ( Mr. Baring) now disclaimed. The phrase was, " that the government had appealed to brawlers out of doors, and to delegates from them in this house.")— Mr. T. DUNCOMBE had originally risen to ask a question of the right honourable baronet opposite ( Sir R. Peel,) and he should make no apology to the right hon. baronet for doing so, taking into consideration the great excitement that existed at pre- sent in the public mind. He had the highest respect for the right hon. baronet, and should always wish to pay it to him. There being strong precedent in favour of his question ( that of Mr. Stuart Wortley, who put, on the 1st of June, 1812, a si- milar question to Mr. Ponsonby), he begged leave to ask the right hon. baronet whether it was true that he had that morning accepted office under the Duke of Wellington, under a pledge that some species of reform would be introduced by the new Government ?— Sir R. PEEL— notwithstanding the authorities cited by the hon. member— in answering his question, said— I do not hesitate to state that I stand here in a private capa- city only. The fact is, I have received no invitation from any person authorized to make one to accept office, and therefore stand here in my private capacity. And in that capacity I re- commend all to abstain from adding to the public excitement by circulating reports for which there might be no foundation"— Lord ALTHORP wished to impress it upon the mind of every man in the country who was a friend to reform, that nothing could tend more to impede the great measure which they had so long been advancing towardB completion, than any ebullition of popular feeling at all involving a breach of the public peace. ( Cheers.) It was the duty of every honest reformer to impress this important fact upon the minds of the people, and it was his urgent hope that it would be acted upon, and that the people would seek for tlieir rights firmly, but temperately, and by no means which the laws did not recognize as within their bounds. After several other members had expressed their sentiments, Sir F. BURDETT said he could not help hoping— when he recollected the native goodness of his Majesty's heart, that, how- ever mistaken, he acted from the purest intentions— that when the " lep'rous distilment," which had been poured into his Royal ear by falsehearted counsellors, had worked its temporary mischievous effect, and that he had recovered from the momen- tary weakness into which the poison had led him, his Majesty would see the wisdom and necessity of recalling his ill- judged declaration, and save his people from the ills of civil convulsion, by acting upon the advice of his honest ministers. ( Hear.) Be that as it would, the duty of that house was plain,— the duty it owed to the country, to its own consistency, its own honour, namely, to support no ministry not identical in principle with that of Lord Grey. It was said the Duke of Wellington,— the bold captain,— the pledged foe to all reform,— was about to prove his own memorable declaration, ( one of the wisest in his politi- cal career), that " he should be mad to think of accepting office." ( Cheers, and great laughter.) Let him make the ex- periment. ( Hear.) It would soon be seen, that though he might be brave, he would be as senseless as his sword, to think, under the present circumstances of the country, and with his Polignac vision of its wants and interests, to undertake the ma- nagement of its affairs. ( Great cheering.) STATE OF THE NATION.— Mr. HUME gave notice that on Monday next he would submit a motion to the house on the present state of the nation. ( Hear, hear.) As it was one of surpassing importance, under the extraordinary circumstances of the country, he would move that the house be called. The Anatomy Bill was read a third time and passed ; and the house adjourned at half- past nine o'clock to Monday. Phillips, G. R.— Steyning Portman, E. B.— Dorsetshite Powell, Col.— Cardiganshire Poyntz, W. S.— Ash burton Price, Sir R.— Herefordshire Protheroe, E.— Bristol Ramsbottom, J.— Windsor Ramsden, J. C.— Yorkshire Rickford— W. Aylesbury Rider, T.— Kent Ridley, Sir M.— Newcastle on Tyne Robarts, A. W.— Maidstone Robinson, SrG— Northampton Robinson, G. R.— Worcester Rooper, J. B.— Huntingdonsh Rumbold, C. E.— Great Yar- mouth Russell, Lord— Devonshire Russell, Sir R. G.— Thirsk Russell, Lt.- Col.— Tavistock Russell, C.— Reading Sandford, E. A.— Somersetsh. Schonswar, G.— Hull Scott, Sir E. D.— Lichfield Sebright, Sir J.- Herts Smith, G. R.— Midhurst Smith, Hon. R.— Wycombe Smith, J.— Buckinghamshire Smith, J. A.— Chichester Smith, M. T.— Midhurst Smith, R. V.— Northamptonsh Spence, G.— Ripon Stanhope, Capt.— Dover Stanley, Lord— Lancashire Stanley, Rt. Hon. E.— Windsor Stanley, E. J.— Hiudon Stephenson, H. F.— Westbury Stewart, P. M.— Lancaster Strickland, G.— Yorkshire Strutt, E.— Derby ( Teller) Stuart, Lord D. C.— Arundel Stuart, Lord P. J.— Cardiff Surrey, Earl uf— Horsham Tavistock, Marq.— Bedfordsh, Tennyson, C.— Stamford Thicknesse, R.— Wigan Thomson, Rt. llon. C.— Dover Thompson, P. B.— Wenlock Thompson, Aid.— London Throckmorton, R. G.— Berks Tomes, J.— Warwick Torrens, Col.— A* hburton Townley, R. G.— Cambridgeafc Tracy, C. H. - Tewkesbury Tynte, C. K. K- Bridgewater Tyrell, C.— Suffolk Uxbridge, Earl of— Anglesea Venables, Aid.— London Vere, J. j. H.— Newport Vernon, Hon. G.— Derbyshire Villiers, F.— Saltash Villiers, T.— Bletchingly Vince- nt, Sir F St. Alban's Waithman. R. London Walrond, B.— Saltash Warhurton, H.— Bridport Warre, J. A. — Hastings Wason, R.— Ipswich Watson, Hon. R.— Canterbury Webb, Col. E.— Gloucester Wellesley, Hon. W.— Essex Weyland, Major— Oxfordshire- Whitmore, W.— Bridgenorth Wilbraham, G.— Cheshire Wilde, T.— Newark Wilks, J.— Boston Williams, Sir J.— Carmarthen: Williams, J.— Winchelsea Williamson, Sir H.— Durham Winnington. SirT.— Droitwict Wood, C.— Wareham Wrottesley, SirJ.— Staffordsh. Wood, John— Preston Wood, M.— London Wrigbtson, W. B.— Hull IRELAND. Acheson, Visct.— Armagh co. Lambert, H.— Wexfoidco. Belfast Earl of— Antrim co. Bellew, Sir P.— Loath co. Boyle, Lord— Cork county Boyle, Hon. J.— Cork Brabazon, Vise.— Dublin co. Browne, J.— Mayo county Browne, D.— Mayo county Burke, Sir J.— Galway county Callaghan, D.— Cork Clifford, Sir A.— Bandonbridge Doyle, Sir J. M.— Carlow co. Duncannon, Vise.— Kilkenny county Fergusson, Sir R.— London- derry French, A.— Rosoommon co. Hill, Lord A.— Down county Howard, R.— Wicklow county King, Hon. R.— Cork county Lamb, Hon. G.— Dungarvon SCOTLAND. Lambert, J. S.— Galway co. Leader, N. P Kilkenny Macnamara, W.— Clare co. Mullins, F.— Kerry county O'Connell, D.— Kerry county O'Ferrall, R. M.— Kildare co. Ossory, Earl of— Kilkenny co- Oxmantown, Lord— King's co. Ponsonby, Hon. G.— Youghall Power, R.— Waterford county Rice, Rt. Hn. T. S— Limerick Russell, J.— Kinsale Ruthven, E. S.— Downpatriclc Sheil, R. L.— Louth county Walker, C. A.— Wexford Wallace, T.— Drogheda. Westenra. Hon, H.— Monaghan County White, Col. H.— Dublin co. MAJORITY OF TWO HUNDRED AND EIGHTY EIGHT, WHO VOTED FOR AN ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY TO CALL TO HIS COUNCILS ONLY MEN WHO WOULD CARRY THE ENTIRE BILL. ENGLAND - -- —-— j — v^ j.' uavM tained a seat in the house, he would never consent to give one we motion, because he had not confidence in the present admi- j shilling in tbe way of supply until the people were in possession Althorp, Viscount- Northamp- tonshire Anson, Sir G.— Lichfield Anson, Hon. G.— Yarmouth Astley, SirJ. D., Bart.— Wilts Baillie, J. E.— Bristol Bainbridge, E. T.— Taunton Baring, Sir T.— Wycombe Baring, F. T.— Portsmouth Harnett, C. J.— Maidstone Bayntun, S. A.— York Beaumont, T. W— Northumb. Benett, John— Wiltshire Berkeley, Captain— Gloster Blake, Sir F.— Berwick Blamire, W.— Cumberland Blount, E.— Steyning Blunt, Sir C.— Lewes Bouverie, Hon. P.— Downton Briscoe, J. 1.— Surrey Brougham, W.— Southwark Brougham, J.— Winchelsea Buller, J. W.— Exeter Bulwer, E. L.— St. Ives Bulwer H. L.— Coventry Bunbury, Sir H. E.— Suffolk Burrell, SirC.— Shoreham Buxton, T. F.— Weymouth Byng, Sir J.— Poole Byng, G.— Middlesex Byng, G. S.— Milborne Port Calcraft, G. H.— Wareham Calvert, C.— Southwark Calvert, N.— Herts Campbell, John— Stafford Carter, J. B.— Portsmouth Cavendish, Hon. Col.— Derby Cavendish, Hn. C.— Yarmouth Chichester, J. It. P.- Barnstaple Clive, E. B.— Hereford Cockerell, Sir C.— Evesham Colborne, N. W.— Horsham Cradock, Colonel— Camelford Crampton, P. C.— Milbourne Port Creevey, T.— Downton Cnrrie, J;— Hertford Davies, Col. T. H .— Worcester Denman, Sir T.— Nottingham Duncombe, T.— Hertford Dundas, Hon. J. C.— Richmond Dundas, Hon. T.— York Easthope, J.— Banbury Ebrington, Lord— Devonshire Ellice, E.— Coventry Ellis, W.— Leicester Etwall, R.— Andover Evans, W.— Leicester Evans, Col.— Rye Evans, W. B.— Leominster Ewart, W.— Liverpool Fazakerley, J. N.— Peterboro' Ferguson, Sir R.— Nottingham Fitzroy, Lord J.— Thetford Foley, Hon. T.— Worcestersh. Foley, J. H. H.- Droitwich Folkes, Sir W— Norfolk Fordwich, Ld— Canterbury Fox, Lieut.- Col.— Calne Glynne, SirStephen— Flint Godson, R.— St. Albans Gordon, R.— Cricklade Graham, Sir J.— Cumberland Grant, Rt. Hon. R.— Norwich Greene, T. G.— Lancaster Grosvenor, Lord R.— Chester Guise, Sir B. W.— Gloucester- shire Handley, W. F.- Newark Adam, Adm. C.— Kinross- sh. Ferguson, R.— Dysart, & c. Fergusson, R. C.— Kirkcud- bright Gillon, W. D.— Selkirk,& c. Grant, Rt. Hn. C.— Inverness- shire Haliburton, Hon. D. G.— For- farshire . Teffrey. Rt. Hn. F.— Forfar, See. Johnstone, A.— Crail, & c. Johnstone, J.— Inverkeithing Kennedy, T. F.— Ayr, & c. Loch, J.— Kirkwall, & c. Mackenzie, S.— Ross- shire M'Leod, Jt.— Sutherlandshire Morison, John— Banffshire Sinclair, G.— Caithnessshire Stewart, Sir M.— Renfrewah. Stewart, E.— Wigton, & cc. Trail, G.— Orkney, & c. PAIRED OFF. Ilarvey, D. W.— Colchester Hawkins, J. H.— Tavistock Heneage, G. F.— Lincoln Heywood, Benj.— Lancashire Hobhouse, Sir J. C.— West- minster Hodges, T. L.— Kent Hodgson, J,— Newcastle upon Tyne Home, Sir W.— Newton, I. W. Hoskins, K.— Herefordshire Howard, P. II.— Carlisle Howick, Lord— Northumber- land Hudson, T.— Evesham Hughes, Col.— Grantham Hughes, W. H.— Oxford Hume, J.— Middlesex ( Teller) Ingilby, Sir W. — Lincolnshire James, W.— Carlisle Jerningham, Hon. H. V. S.— Pontefract Jones, J.— Carmarthen Kemp, T. R.— Lewes Knight, R.— Wallingford Knight, H. G.— Malton Labouchere, II.— Taunton Langston, J. H.— Oxford Lang ton, Gore— Somersetshire Lawley, Francis— Warwicksh. Lee, J. L.— Wells Lefevre, C. S.— Hants Leigh, T. C.— Wallingford Lemon, Sir C.— Cornwall Lennard, T. B.— Maldon Lennox, Lord A.— Chichester Lennox, Ld W.— King's Lynn Lester, B. L.— Poole Littleton, E. J.— Staffordshire Loch, J.— Hythe Lepez, Sir R. F.— Westbury Lumley, S.— Notts Lushington, I) r. S.- Winchelsex Maberly, Col.— Shaftesbury Macauley, T. B.— Calne Macdonald, Sir J— Hampshire Mangles, J.— Guildford Marjoribanks, S.— Hythe Marryat, J.— Sandwich Marshall, W.— Beverley Mayhew, W.— Colchester Milton, Ld.— Northamptonsh. Moreton, H.— Gloucestershire Morpeth, Vise.— Yorkshire Morrison, J.— Ipswich Mostyn, E. M.— Flintshire Newark, Visct.— Bassetlaiv North, F.— Hastings Norton, C. F.— Guildford Nugent, Lord— Aylesbury Ord, W m.— Morpeth Owen, Sir J.— Pembrokeshire Paget, SirC. Carnarvon Paget, T.— Leicestershire Palmer, Gen.— Bath Palmer, C. F.— Reading Palmerston, Ld.— Bletchingly Pelbara, Hn. C. A.— Lincolnsh. Pendaives, E. W.— Cornwall Penleaze, J. S.— Southampton Penrhyn, E.— Shaftesbury Peel, E.— Newcastle- upon- Ty Pepys, C. C.— Malton Petit, 1,. H.— Ripon Petre, Hon. E.— Ilchester Philips, Sir R.— Haverfordw. Phillipps, C. M.— Leicestersh. Ponsonby, Hon. J.— Higham Ferrars Biddulph, R. M.— Denbigh Bouverie, Hon. D.— N. Sarum Burdett, Sir F.— Westminster O'Connell, Maurice— Clare MEMBERS Fitzgibbon, Hon. R.— Lime- rickshire Newport, SirJ.— Waterford Wvse, Thomas— Tipperary PRESENT. For the Motion 288- Tellers 2 290- Paired off 8 Went away 12 310 MEMBERS WHO GENERALLY VOTE WITH MINISTERS. Against the Motion 3 Dead 1 Absent, to be accounted for, supposed chiefly out of London 78 Total. 392 MISSING.— LIBERAL REWARD.—( From the Dublin Times.)— A stout elderly gentleman, well known at all the public places in this city, has within the last ten days absconded from his residence in Merrion- square, under very suspicious circum- stances, having carried off a large sum of money which he ob- tained from the most indigent and distressed people in the country, under various false pretences. He has been long in the habit of going about through divers parts of the kingdom, and wherever large mobs were assembled either for business or pleasure, was sure to be amongst them, delighting their ears with the most exaggerated picture of their sufferings, and hold- ing out equally extravagant promises of relief, but invariably concluding his speeches by sending round the hat, and collecting all the stray halfpence which the poor people happened to have about them. His principal topic for gaining followers - was, the great evil of absenteeism ; yet the moment he made a large haul of Irish halfpence, he was sure to fly off to spend them in Lon- don. And such is the credulity of the people, that by this species of industrious scheming, he lias collected within the last two years the enormous sum of sixty thousand pounds, every shilUng of which he has spent out of the country. In order to carry on his schemes more successfully, he assumed the external appearance of extraordinary sanctity, always talking of his con- science— was frequently seen attending Divine Worship, and whenever aceused of any dirty transaction— in which he was eternally engaged, he ever contrived to sneak out of the conse- quences, by declaring " he had a vow registered in Heaven." Some of his decenter friends ( few in number). have been latterly so- scandalized at his abandoned practices, they now give out that his mind was affected, and certainly many of his actions favour the suspicion. They say that he laboured under several strange delusions. At one time, for instance, he fancied himself King of Ireland— at another he would tell you that lie is Attorney- General. The next day, perhaps, he was to be seen pacing along the streets with majestic strut, decorated in the most fantastic manner with orange and green ribbons, brandishing an um- brella over his head as a marshal would his baton, and telling tiie little ragged boys who followed him that he was a greater man than Bolivar or Washington— that he was at the head of eight millions, and was ready to lead them to death or victory. He was also in the habit of writing long, rambling, incoherent letters, stuffed with praises of himself, and pompous professions of disinterestedness ; but since his last precipitate retreat, which is admitted to be the most extraordinary flight which even he ever took, not a single line has been heard from him. His place of concealment is yet a secret: it is to be hoped, however, that it cannot remain much longer undiscovered. Many were appre- hensive he had made away with himself; but his arrant coward- ice having soon dissipated that conjecture, it is now thought he has only made away with the money. The general belief is, he is on some bad design, for that if he had anything good to say of himself he could not remain so long silent. However, as tho public curiosity to know what has become of this notorious cha- racter continues so strong, we feel it our duty to announce, that whoever gives any satisfactory account of him, shall be hand- somely rewarded upon applying at the office of the Dublin Times. - May 13. TIIE TOWS. ISO REFORM MEETINGS. BIRMINGHAM. Last Monday a meeting, undoubtedly the most numerous e* er collected upon one spot for a political object, and which, notwithstanding the extraordinary greatness of its numbers, was remarkable for the unanimity and order of its proceedings, was held at Birmingham, " for the purpose of contradicting and refuting the false and unfounded representations of the enemies of reform, and of the peace and order of society, respecting the alleged apathy and indifference of the public mind to the great cause of reform j and in order to assist in enabling our most excellent King, and his patriotic ministers, to accomplish their great measure of reform forthwith, and to carry it into a law uninjured and unimpaired in all its great parts and provisions." At twelve o'clock there must have been upwards of 200,000 persons present, and in a short time the numbers were still fur- ther increased by the arrival of more- unions. Upwards of 200 bands of music were in attendance, and from 700 to 1,000 banners waved over the assembled throng. Among the company on the hustings were Napoleon Czapski, a Polish nobleman ; Count Rechberg, Secretary to the Austrian Embassy; H. Acland, Esq., James West, Esq., Arthur Gre- gory, Esq., H. Boultbee, Esq., W. Allsop, Esq., of Derbyshire, Stubbs Whitick, Esq., R. Fryer, Esq., the Hon. Godolphin Osborne, William Collins, Esq., & c. At half- past twelve o'clock the commencement of proceedings • mas announced by the sounding of a bugle; when Mr. Attwood was placed in the chair. Mr. Attwood, then rose amidst loud cheering, and addressed : the meeting as follows :—" Men of Warwickshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire,— my dear friends and fellow- countrymen,— I thank you most sincerely for the immense, glorious, and mag- nificent assemblage which you now present in the hour of your country's need. The enemies of the liberties of their cou|| jy have spoken of re- action and of indifference in the public mind towards the great cause of reform— how are thev answered by the people of the midland counties ? We have had but to stamp upou the earth, as it were, and instantly from above the ground and from beneath the ground 100,000 brave men, determined to see their country righted, present themselves at our call. ( Great cheering.) We had determined never again to petition the House of Lords ; but feeling as we do the greatest respect and veneration for the ancient and honourable aristocracy of the land, we have not hesitated to call this meeting for the purpose of petitioning their Lordships, as soon as ever we saw that the calumnies and misrepresentations of the enemies of the people as to the state of public feeling and opinion rendered such an ex- hibition necessary. ( Loud and continued cheering.) We, who professed to be the ministers of peace and reconciliation among all classes of his Majesty's subjects— we would be the first to offer the right hand of fellowship to the House of Lords, the very moment we see a disposition in that Right Honourable House to support our privileges in the same degree as we wish to support theirs. The enemies of the people have told their Lordships that the country is indifferent in this great cause. If we hold no meetings, they say that we are indifferent,— if we hold small meetings, they say that we are insignificant,— and if we hold large meetings, they say that we are rebellious, and wish to intimidate them. ( Laughter.) Do what we will, we - cannot do right it seems. Now God forbid that I should wish to intimidate them, I only wish to speak the plain and simple truth, which my duty compels me to speak, and which is this, — I would rather die than see the great bill of reform rejected or mutilated in any of it's great parts or provisions. ( Immense cheering, which lasted for a considerable time.) I see that you are all of one mind upon this great subject. Answer me then, had not you rather die than live the slaves of the boroughmongers ? (' All, all.') We are told, indeed, of apathy and indifference in the public mind. Now I have some means of understanding what public feeling is, and 1 say that the people of England stand at this very moment like greyhounds on the slip ; and if our beloved King should give the word, or if his council should give the word in his name and under his autho- rity, the grandest scene would be instantly exhibited that ever was witnessed on this earth before. ( Loud cheers.) The House of Lords had been accustomed to look upon society as if the worts and excrescences of the social body were every thing, and the great limbs and interests— the heart, the head, the body, and the powerful arms— nothing. When we obtain reform in our own house, we shall teach them a very different view of this important subject. Now, my friends, I must beg leave to ex- plain to you the absolute necessity of the peace, the order, and the strict legality which you have always exhibited. But for these great qualities our cause would have been lost. Within the law the people are strong as a giant— beyond the law they are weak as an infant. Suppose now we should erect the stand- ard of the Birmingham Union in London,— that glorious stand- ard which acts so terrifically upon the mind of his Grace the Duke of Buckingham,— I can tell you, and I can tell his Grace, that if we would so act, nine- tenths of the whole population of that immense city would instantly rally round the sacred em- blem of their country's freedom. ( Cheers.) The same would be the case In Newcastle, Manchester, Glasgow, and Dublin. The whole of the British people would answer to the call, wherever the standard of the Birmingham Union should be un- furled, under the sanction of the King and the law. ( Cheers.) This is the power which we have gathered up under a strict and dutiful obedience of the law, and therefore 1 do strictly urge and enjoin you. to continue still the same dutiful and legal conduct which you have hitherto exhibited, and never to suffer any cir- cumstance whatever to seduce you into any illegal or violent proceeding. When I had the pleasure of meeting you here in October last, I asserted that every honest workman in England had as good a right for reasonable maintenance in exchange for his labour, as the King had to the crown upon his head. A Noble Lord ( Wharncliffe) is reported to have contradicted this assertion in a high quarter ; I therefore beg to repeat it most positively, and to state most distinctly, that every honest work- man in England, does, in fact, when in full employment, pro- duce more than four times the oomforts and necessaries of life which he and his family can possibly consume. If, then, the giving to his country of more than four times the quantity of comforts and necessaries which he himself requires, is not suf- ficent to constitute a right I know not what is. Your destinies and the destiny of the country are at this moment in the hands of the House of Lords. We have met this day for the purpose of discharging our duty to them. If that august assembly should neglect to discharge their duty towards us and our country, upon their heads alone will rest the responsibility of the tremendous consequences which may ensue. A nation may advance in the cause of liberty, but to go back is not possible." ( Cheers.) Mr. Attwood resumed his seat amidst long and en- thusiastic cheering. While Mr. Attwood was speaking, the Warwick and Broms- gtove Unions arrived on the spot, and were received with deaf- ening shouts of applause. Mr. Attwood proposed that in order to greet their distant friends, a song called " The Gathering of the Unions," should be sung ; which was accordingly done by the whole assembly. Mr. Fryer presented an address signed by upwards of 3,000 householders of Wolverhampton, expressing their concurrence in the measures adopted by the chairman and council of the Bir- mingham Political Union. Mr. Fryer said that the people of Wolverhampton felt convinced that if the Reform Bill should be rejected, some dreadful convulsion would take place, but they would be ready, whenever the time came, to stretch forth their hands against their oppressors. [ While Mr. Fryer was speak- ing, a very affecting incident occurred. One of the flags of the ' Wolverhampton Union had emblazoned on it the words " A Tear ( or Poland :" when Count Czapski read them he burst into tears, and wiped his eyes with the flag.] A similar address was presented from the Female- Reformers of Bilston. Mr. J. Scholefield then rose to move the first resolution, and, in the course of his speech, observed,— It seems to be particularly the object of the Duke of Wellington, in his hatred ot popular rights, to insult the people. Now this is at best but cowardly work, that men with arms in their hands should vaunt of their daring to persons without arms. It may appear strange to> many who are present, that it is my honest belief that the Duke of Wellington is a political coward ; he is allowed, on all hands, to be a hard- hearted man ; and cruelty and cowardice are often found in close alliance. Be it remembered, moreover, that the Duke has never once lifted his voice against the oppression of the despots of Spain and Portugal, although he knows that if the patriots of those countries had not brought to his aid the zeal and self- devotion which they so manfully exhibited, he would never have been able to expel as he did the French armies from the Peninsula. It is, I am persuaded, a well grounded charge to bring against the Duke of Wellington, that he has done more to rivet the chains of slavery on the nations of Europe than any man living. ( Hear, hear.) There is a peculiarity even in his situation which makes him most unfit to take the part which he now assumes in public affairs,— he is a pensioner of foreign states ; he has had property given to him by the tyrants of Spain and Portugal; and this, I contend, makes him the most unfit of men ever to have been employed as Prime Minister of England ; be- cause his interest in foreign states must, so long as man is man, have interfered with his duty to his own country. ( Applause.) In conclusion he said, we will never cease urgently to demand our rights, but ever continue to be ' agitators' until we have re- covered those rights, in spite of the menaces of the Dukes of Buckingham aud Wellington. We shall, I trust, never be satis- fied until we have obtained full possession of " the bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill." ( Loud and continued cheers.) I am confident that you will give your entire appro- bation to the resolution which I am now about to move, which is—" That this meeting feel it to be imperatively their duty once more to come forward at this momentous crisis, for the purpose of testifying their unabated enthusiasm and solemn determination in support of the great Bill of Reform, in order to strengthen the hands of our most excellent King, and to assist in enabling his Majesty and his patriotic Ministers to ac- complish their great designs for the happiness of the people, and to carry the Bill of Reform forthwith into a law, uninjured and unimpaired in any of its great parts and provisions." Mr. Muntz, who seconded the motion, said, I have always recommended you to accept the bill, without attempting to ob- tain the whole of your constitutional rights ; being convinced that as it is now constructed it will secure to you indirectly all the same advantages; but if any material alteration should be made in it, I recommend you to refuse it altogether, as you are much better without any reform than a sham one. ( Loud cheers.) Nothing can now prevent you from obtaining your rights if you are united, peaceable, rational, and persevering; the progress of reform is now too great to be long postponed either by a base oligarchy or an interested faction. ( Cheers.) Your opponents are all well aware of this, and they have, therefore, recourse to all sorts of tricks and misrepresentations, in the hope of delaying their well- deserved disgrace. Mr. G. Edmonds said, their lordships had now an opportunity, which might not occur again, of giving permanent security to that which had been called their order, by conceding the mode- rate demands of the English nation. What would be the con- sequence of resisting those demands ? They had already seen that the force of public opinion was sufficient to drive the Duke of Wellington from the seat of power, although that opinion was only made known through the medium of the public press. But if the lords now refused the moderate demands of the people, the consequence would be, that public opinion, which previously had only displayed itself in the press, would be manifested in a more tangible and a more sensible form. However ignorant their lordships might be, they must be miserably stupid indeed if they did not plainly perceive that they stood on the brink of a precipice, into which they might be driven by their own per- verse blundering and folly. If their lordships resisted, it would seem as if Providence, for the purposes of justice, had plunged them into a state of mental darkness before they were dismissed from the face of the earth. He sincerely wished, that by a timely concession, their lordships would give stability to their order. He well knew the risks which attended revolution ; and it ought never to be forgotten, that the revolution in France produced a military despotism. He hoped, therefore, that noble lords would, by their conduct, prevent any such state of things in this country. He trusted their lordships would not drive to despair a high- minded, generous, and, thank God 1 fearless peo pie. ( Cheers.) If this measure were refused, still he could not believe that those whom he addressed, or their wives or children, would consent to be slaves to the infernal boroughmongers. The Rev. Mr. M'Donnell, and the Rev. Dr. Wade, vicar of St. Nicholas, Warwick, expressed their patriotic sentiments upon the Reform Bill. The last- mentioned rev. gentleman said, what, I ask, has been the general conduct of the peers for the last half century ? They have opposed the very few good acts passed by the House of Commons, and supported almost all their bad ones. If the anti- reform peers accomplish this last and worst act of mutilating the bill of the King and the people, they will, by op- posing both estates, accomplish the destruction of our hereditary legislators— become fratricides as well as political suicides ( which latter would not signify, or grieve us)— prove themselves the subverters instead of the conservators of the constitution, and, as the authors of a revolution, they will be responsible for all the horrors attending it. The question then for us to consider is, how we shall proceed if the bill is mutilated ? Why scout it- throw it aside— tread it under foot, as a rotten, putrid weed— demand scot and lot— demand a more complete and effectual restoration of all the rights of the people than the present Bill of Reform is calculated to give. The Times has called Birming- ham " the barometer of the reform feeling throughout Eng. land." I would say that, under such an insulting injury, it would become a thermometer, and rise to blood- heat with rage, indignation, and vengeance. Mr. J. Parkes, in the course of an able speech, said, I do so- lemnly warn— I implore the House of Lords not to force the reformers to a civil contest. I call upon the peers to open their closed eyes to the revolution which for six months, since their fatal rejection of the bill in October, has filled the public mind on the subject of hereditary legislators and spiritual lords. I ask them whether an insane indisposition to this great renova- tion of the British constitution will not produce a certain and ultimate disaffection to and dissolution of our boasted form of government ? Let them read the histories of the Stuarts and of France, and may they take warning by those memorable times, which show that there is a time when resistance becomes a sacred duty, and when an aristocracy, however powerful, dissolves in a moment in the power of the people, for whose happiness its existence can alone be justified. Let the spiritual peers, above all, discern the " signs of the times," and regain the respect and love of the people, by which alone the hierarchy can be upheld. On the subject of a new creation of Peers, he observed, are we to be told that we have no constitutional right to reform Peers— to a creation of people's Peers ? The apprehension of new Peers is a ghost which haunts the boroughmongers, but which they must face or fare worse ; for if the Lords cast out the Re- form Bill, one of two events will follow,— more Lords or none. ( Loud cheers.) I do not touch further on the refusal of taxes, I would not now hold out to the Lords unnecessary threats or terror; but I warn them that John Hampden dwells in the breasts of three- fourths of the inhabitants of these islands, and will inspire them with patriotism and self- sacrifice. The image of John Hampden, with bis deeds inscribed, will be the worship of the people of England, Scotland, and Ireland, if occasion re- quire. ( Laud and repeated cheers.) By every legal means, we will solemnly pledge ourselves to obtain reform. If we have not this bill, we must have a larger. ( Load cheers.) We will not havatlieDuke of Wellington and his " perfect representation" we will have no Polignac, without Polignac's fate. The talisman of reform hsw touched tire corruption erf the boronghmongerS/— their doom is sealed. Mr. Haynes, la moving the fifth resoItOSon, said, the resolu- tion recommended- the creation of peers, to counteract the in- fluence of those who> opposed the passing of this bill. And who were they ? First, the Bishops, who converted tbe temple of the Most High into a refuge for despotism ; and next, all those noble lords who provided for their children, legitimate and ille- gitimate, in the church, the navy, and the army. The hon. gentleman concluded by observing, that if the country which they loved was to be made one vast altar on which their free- dom was to be sacrificed, rather than have it moistened with the tears of slaves, they would see it reddened with the blood of freemen. ( Cheers.) He then introduced to the meeting the Polish Count Napoleon Czapski, who was received with enthu- siastic applause. The Count returned thanks in broken English. Mr. T. C. Salt, before proposing a vote of thanks to the va- rious Unions from distant parts of the country that attended this meeting, here said, " I call upon you to repeat, with head uncovered, and in the face of heaven and the God of justice and mercy, the following words after me." The speaker then slowly gave out the following words, which were repeated in a loud voice by the assembled multitude:—" WITH UNBROKEN FAITH, THROUGH EVERY PERIL AND PRIVATION, WE HERE DEVOTE OURSELVES AND OUR CHILDREN TO OUR COUNTRY'S CAUSE." This declaration was followed by loud cheering and waving of hats for several minutes. The petition and resolutions were all agreed to unanimously and amidst the most deafening cheers. Mr. Attwood said, that their work was now done. They had that day put the seal on the liberties of their country ; but before separating he called on them, as he had done at the last grand meeting, to sing, with heads uncovered, " God save the King." The call was instantly obeyed, and, after returning thanks to Mr. Attwood for his conduct in the chair, and three cheers for the Reform Bishops, and three dismal groans for the anti- Re- form ones, the immense multitude quietly dispersed at half- past 5 o'clock, and proceeded to their respective homes. BIRMINGHAM, MAY 10. It is scarcely possible to describe— scarcely possible to imagine — the spirit of excitement into which the town of Birmingham has been thrown by the rejection of the reform bill by the lords, and the resignation of his Majesty's ministers. The anti- re- formers in London may affect to treat this with contempt, but if they had been present in Birmingham this day, we doubt not that another and very different feeling would have prevailed in their minds. In this town there is but one feeling,— one firm, fixed, determined feeling,— which it is impossible to suppress. We are morally certain, that if the bill be not passed, the people will not pay taxes. This they have determined. Indeed, as early as eleven yesterday the windows exhibited a printed pla- card, of which the following is a copy :—" Notice, no Taxes paid here until the Reform Bill is passed 1 May 9." In other windows, and on the lawn of a gentleman's house in the vicinity of the town, there was exhibited the following :—" No taxes paid here in money, and no goods bought distrained for taxes." But perhaps the best evidence of the state of opinion in this town is the fact of hundreds of the most respectable inhabitants of the professional and mercantile classes having joined the Political Union yesterday morning. These gentlemen have not been in the habit of taking a part in politics, but they now see the absolute necessity— to use the expression of one of them— " to buckle on their armour 1" We understand that more than 100 subscribers of the Subscription News Room, to which none but the respectable and opulent inhabitants are admitted, put down their names as members of the Political Union. In fact, persons of all creeds and of all political opinions are joining this body. On Tuesday four Catholic priests enrolled themselves, and a considerable number of that respectable society called Quakers became members. The fact is, the people feel that it is hy union only that the country can be saved from falling into a state of anarchy and financial confusion. The number of people assembled yesterday afternoon at New- hall- hill certainly exceeded 100,000. It is really astonishing how such a number of human beings could have been got to- gether so suddenly and spontaneously in four hours. We un- derstand that several large manufacturers, heretofore considered anti- reformers, closed their work- rooms at three o'clock, to give their men an opportunity to attend the meeting, and at the same time informing them that their wages should be paid as usual. But the meeting was not confined to the Birmingham people alone. Many thousand persons attended from the surrounding towns, and deputies from Worcester, Coventry, Wolverhamp- ton, Walsall, Warwick, and other places, were hourly arriving, in order to take advice as to the best course of proceeding in their respective districts. Six o'clock, p. m.— The meeting is just over, and though for the last two hours the people have been leaving the ground, not being able to hear the proceedings, yet the numbers now passing our windows are truly terrific. All, however, is quiet. The people, conscious of their st ength, a. e not alarmed for the bill. They feel that they can take it any time, should the Lords refuse to grant it them. Mr. Attwood, Mr. Scholefield, Mr. Edmonds, Mr. Joseph Parkes, and Mr. Muntz, then addressed the meeting quietly, when the meeting was dissolved, the sitting of the council being, however, declared permanent, and to resume their deliberations at night. Subsequently t e following gentlemen— Joshua Schole- field, Esq., Joshua Parkes, Esq., and John Green, Esq., were deputed to take the petition express to London, and to communi- cate to the Common Council and the city of Westminster the determination of the people of Warwickshire and Staffordshire to aid them in the common cause. The deputation left Birmingham with the streets crowded to excess, and loud cheering accompanying them to the verge of the town. On their arrival at Coventry, the streets of that city were filled with the inhabitants, who loudly cheered the de- putation, and stated to them that they were going to convene a meeting of that populous city for this day, and would stick by them. In the course of the evening expresses left Birmingham, to all the large districts of Staffordshire and Warwickshire, urging the people to immediate and determined public proceedings to reinstate Ministers, and recover the bill. All business will be at a stand - still till' this great national object is successfully concluded. The following petition was agreed to at the meeting:— " To the Hon. the Commons of the United Kingdom e£ Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. The humble address of the inhabitants, of the town of Bir- mingham, at Newhall- hili, the 10th day of May,. 1832 ; "• Showeth— " 1. That your petitioners have been, struck with surprise and alarm at the awful intelligence which has this, day reached them respecting the dissolution of his Majesty's Government, and perilous crisis, on account of their persevering in sup- porting the bill of reform, as twice- passed by your honourable house. " 2. That under these unexpected and extraordinary circum- stances, the life and property of no man in England are safe, and that the only possible way of giving safety to all is to pass the bill of reform unmutilated into a law. " 3. That your petitioners must now look upon your lion, house as the last remaining stay which binds together tlse- ex- isting constitution of the country, and in the awful situation which they find themselves and their country placed, they ap- peal to your hon. house, and they earnestly implore your hon. house not to shrink from the great duties before you, but man- fully and fearlessly support the rights of the people, and to adopt whatever measures may be necessary for the safety and liberty of the country. " 4. That it is only by the manly and patriotic exercise of the' great duties wfejlr the constitution imposed upon your hon. house, that y</> w petitioners can now s « 8 any hope that the just and sacred rights of Englishmen can be recovered in any way except by means that will break up the fabric of society, and endanger the fortunes and- tbe lives of millions, " 5, That your petitioners find it declared in the Bill of Rights that the people of England ' may have arms for their defence ( tremendous cheering which lasted for some minutes), suitable to their condition, and as allowed by law ;' and your petitioners apprehend, that this great right will be put in force generally, and that the whole of the people of England will think it necessary to have arms for tbeir defence, in order that they may be prepared for any circumstances which may arise. ( Re- newed cheers.) " 6. Your petitioners do therefore most earnestly pray, that your hon. house will forthwith present an address to his Ma- jesty, beseeching his Majesty not to allow the resignation of his ministers, but instantly to create a sufficient number of new peers to ensure the caa- rying of the bill of reform unimpaired into a law. And that your hon. house will instantly withhold all supplies—( here the further proceedings- of the meeting were interrupted for some minutes by the loud cheerings)— and adopt all those measures which may be necessary to carry the bill of reform, and to ensure the safety and the liberty of the countr . " And your petitioners will ever pray." A declaration, of which the following is a copy, has been already signed by 500 of the most respectable inhabitants of Birmingham, and now lies for signature at Allen's and Barlow's, Bennett's- hill, and Drake's, New- street:— " We, the undersigned inhabitants of the town and neigh- bourhood of Birmingham, who have hitherto refrained from joining the Birmingham Political Union, deem it our duty to our country at this awful crisis to come forward- and join that body for the purpose of promoting the further union, order, and determination of all classes in support of the common cause of parliamentary reform." MANCHESTER,. MAY 10. The town has been thrown into a state of the utmost excite- ment by the intelligence of the resignation of Lord Grey and his colleagues, which reached here this morning by express.-— During the whole day anxious groups of individuals of all classes have crowded the streets, eagerly discussing the astounding oc- currences of the last three or four days. At twelve o'clock a meeting was held at the Town- hall, to consider the propriety of petitioning the House of Commons to stop all supplies until aa efficient reform was obtained ; and although no public notice had been given of the intention of holding the meeting, the room was crowded to suffocation. John Shuttleworth, Esq. was called to the chair, and a peti- tion was unanimously adopted. After it had been passed, Mr. G. W. SEED inquired whether it was intended to propose any agreement for resisting the payment of taxes. The CHAIRMAN replied that if any such plan should be pro- posed, he certainly could not put it to the meeting, because such an agreement would amount to a conspiracy,, and would bring him under the cognizance of the law. It was a question, how- ever, on which individuals might take their own course ; and he for one would certainly pay no taxes until an. efficient reform was obtained. ( Tremendous cheering.) "* A number of other gentlemen immediately declared their de- termination to pursue a similar course, and also to abstain from consuming taxed commodities. These announcements were all received with loud cheers, and produced a powerful effect on the meeting. The petition, as agreed upon, was immediately sub- mitted for signatures in various parts of the town, and in the course of only four hours the petition received upwards of 25,000 signatures, a pretty decisive proof that in Manchester there has been no " re- action." It is impossible to describe the sensation the intelligence has created there. Business is almost suspended, and the universal question is, " What is to be done now ?" And the almost universal answer is, " We will pay no> taxes until the reform bill be passed." As a farther indication of public feeling, in Salford the au- thorities have countermanded the King's birth- day dinner ; and a similar proceeding is expected in Manchester. WESTMINSTER MEETING.. A meeting of the Electors of Westminster took place on Friday, at one o'clock, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, for the pur- pose of adopting measures commensurate wit- ii the prceut. alarm- ing state of the country. Sir Francis Burdett, M. P., entered the room, amidst the most tremendous cheering, at one o'clock. Among the gentlemen on the hustings were, Colonel Jones, Colonel Evans, Mr. Byng, M. P., Mr. Beckett, Mr. Adams, Mr. Sturgeon, Mr. Pouncey, and a number of other influential gentlemen favourable to the cause of reform. The large room of the tavern was filled long before the time appointed, and the appearance of the persons composing the meeting was- of the most respectable description. When Mr. O'ConneU entered the room, he was received with the most enthusiastic cheers. Sir F. BURDETT begged leave, before proceeding with the business of the meeting, to apologise for the absence of Sir John Cam Hobhouse. He took some blame to himself for it, as he had advised Sir John, under the peculiar circumstances in which he was placed, not to attend the meeting. This was the only cause; he was as ardent as ever in-, the cause of reform, and would continue to persevere in his endeavours to secure the wel- fare of his countrymen. Although the present aspect of affairs was considered very untoward by some persons, and although he himself partook of that feeling, yet he could not but express his hope of a successful result; and he congratulated the people of this country on the noble conduct: which they had pursued.— The Hon. Baronet then adverted to the resolutions,, which he said exactly coincided with his own, opinions upon what it was necessary for the people to do to. obtain success. There had not been for upwards of a century such a House of Commons as there was at present. The representatives of the public opinion in that House were more than a match for all the enormous bo- rough influence. It was in that House he ( Sir F. Burdett) put all his hope. He hoped- that they should be saved from very painful trials by the patriotism cf the House of Com- mons ; and that they would: place tha people of this country in the possession of those lights to which they had so clear a claim, and of which they had been so long deprived. For many a dreary season ho had had: the unpleasant duty of complaining of the conduce of the House of Commons; hut now had a & r more pleasant daty, that of informing them of their noble concuet, never mom plainly evinced during the whole pro- gress of the measure of reform, than in the vote of last night. England, Ireland, and Scotland, were all last night equally re- presented. All they ( tshe meeting) now had to do, was to ex- press their confidence in the late Ministry. Heaven knew how his. Majesty had been induced to accept Earl Grey's resignation, nor what secret ad » isers had poisoned him.. ( Cries of " the Queen, the Queen;"" groans, hisses, and cries of " Send her to Hanover," here resounded for several minutes.) It was unfor- tunate his Majesty had beea prevailed upo « t to commit an act,, of the consequences of which, he could not bear to reflect, and which would cast a gloom over the remainder of his reign, ( Hear, hear, hear.) It was the duty of the people of England to support a great statesman who had dedicated this talents to the interests of the people of England— a nobleman whose conduct had been conciliatory, and considered perhaps by some to have been too conciliatory . That noble lord had done all he could to carry tW great question, and he would have succeeded hafl be not been foiled by some base intrigue. Colonel EVANS observed, that he was aware that their hearts responded to the calls which the country had made upon them. ( Cheers.) That being the general feeling he should submit the first resolution to their consideration, " file gallant officer con- cluded by saying, that he knew of no other administration than Earl Grey's that could be adopted in the country which would not come under the denomination of a Polignac combination, iff JtL T I I E T O W I , May 13. He then read the third resolution. The first resolution was car- ried unanimously amid loud cheers. Mr. T. P. Clarke said, that a great part of the House of Lords were with them— a great majority in the House of Com- mons, and the united voice of the people ; and with this strength they must ultimately carry the bill. He concluded by moving the second resolution. Mr. Sturgeon called upon them to be unanimous, and to exert themselves. He concluded by seconding the second resolution, which was carried by acclamation. Dr. Bambridge said, it was almost impossible to controul the feelings of disgust and indignation which were felt against those persons who had been the means of destroying the great measure of reform proposed by Earl Grey. What could be said bad enough to express their feelings of the conduct of the waverers — such men as Lords Harrowby and Wharncliffe ?—( Groans, and cries of " No Harrowby")— and of the bishops, those reverend plunderers ? ( Groans.) He hoped the time was coming when those horrible imposts, the tithes, would be done away with. They had still legal and constitutional means of securing the success of the Reform Bill. They had the power of refusing to pay the taxes. Should the Duke of Wellington ( the mention of the Noble Duke's name excited a volley of groans) attempt to coerce the spirit of the people of England— if he did— he would find it a vain attempt. Provided the people persevered ' in their legal attempts, they would at last have the bill of Earl Grey. Mr. O'Connell came forward, and was loudly cheered. He Said the time was coming when the whole world would know what the people of England were made of. Was there any • person in the present assembly who wished to continue the slave of the boroughmongers ? Was there one among them who would not rather die than continue so ? The time was come to know whether the people of England would be true to them- selves. Look at the occurrences of the last century, when - Charles the First dared to listen to the advice of a foreign wife. ( Tremendous cheers.) He proposed that delegates should be appointed, and a reform fund should be raised, and simultaneous meetings should take place in every parish in England. The hon. gentleman sat down amid loud cheers. Mr. Dunn recommended that the people should not afford one shilling of money to the Government, and concluded by moving - the resolution for the petition, the reading of which drew forth frequent cheers. Mr. Riviere seconded the resolution. Mr. Tulk read the petition. The petition was carried unanimously. Mr. Tissue proposed that the petition be presented by Sir F. Burdett, and Sir J. Cam Hobhouse. Mr. Pouncey seconded the motion. Colonel Jones then addressed the meeting, and was interrupted by the arrival of the Deputation from Birmingham, who were received with tremendous cheers. The Gallant Colonel said he felt gratified at being interrupted by the persons who had entered the room— the worthy delegates from the Birmingham Union. Mr. Schofield, Mr. Parkes, and Mr. Grey, took their places on the platform. Sir F. Burdett stated that Mr. Schofield, from Birming- ham, was anxious to thank the meeting for the flattering recep- tion with which it had honoured the deputation. They had brought a petition, which they would place in Mr. O'Connell's hands, to be presented to the House of Commons this evening. Mr. Schofield, Deputy Chairman of of the Birmingham Union, hoped the meeting would pardon him for the intrusion he had made upon them. He was deputed from 100,000 of the people of Birmingham, who met together in their trouble con- sequent upon the rejection of the bill. He could assure the meet- ing, that the people of Birmingham were strongly in favour of reform, and were determined to use all endeavours to ensure the passing of the bill. There was one resolution they had come to— namely, to wear a blue riband in their coats until they had the great measure of reform granted. They had come for the purpose of requesting Mr. O'Connell to present their peti- tion, and likewise to request Sir Francis Burdett, who had ever stood forward for the people's rights, to support the prayer of the petition. Mr. Mahon spoke at great length, upon the subject of the res- toration, and expressed himself decidedly in favour of the Admi- nistration of Earl Grey. Mr. Crouch moved a resolution of thanks to the represen- tatives of Westminster. This was seconded, and carried una- nimously. A vote of thanks was then passed to the Chairman, and after three cheers had been given for Reform, the meeting se- perated. COMMON HALL. On Friday a Common Hall, at which the Lord Mayor pre- sided, was held for the purpose of proposing resolutions, and on them founding an address to his Majesty, in which they had told him that the only men in whom they had any confidence were Earl Grey and the late Ministry, and the resolutions went on to say, that they should instruct the representatives to resist all legislation but such as would pass the bill. They had no confidence in the Tories, nor in those who were, in fact, the most desperate and despicable set— the waverers. The resolu- tions and address were unanimously adopted. A committee of fifty were appointed to sit daily. Meetings have been held in the following parishes of the metropolis, at all of which resolutions were passed to refuse to pay the taxes, and to petition the House of Commons to stop the supplies :— St. Leonard's, Shoreditch ; St. Mary's, New- ington; St. Bride, Fleet- street; St. Paul, Covent- garden ; St. George's, Middlesex; St. Luke's, Middlesex. ' By accounts received from Liverpool, Bristol, Leeds, Bolton, Portsmouth, Banbury, Brighton, Cheltenham, & c., we learn that the news of the resignation of Ministers produced the same excitement as that evinced at Birmingham and Manchester, and similar resolutions to those adopted at these latter places have been agreed to, and are in preparation in the first- men- tioned towns. LATEST INTELLIGENCE. Sir Robert Peel had an interview with his Majesty shortly before five o'clock yesterday evening. We have every reason to believe that the list of the Ministry we have given in another part of our paper, will prove to be correct. To the already- mentioned lists of the new Ministry, the Globe adds, that Mr. Goulburn is to be Speaker of the House of Com- mons ; the present Speaker, Secretary of the Home Department ( for the present). Sir R. Peel is to aid the Ministry, but is too prudent to resist the House of Commons on one hand, or to concede reform on the other ; but when the Reform Bill is set- tled, he is, we hear, to resume his station as Home Secretary and leader of the House of Commons. We have reason to believe that if Ministers had not resigned when they did, every arrangement had been made for turning them out of office. An intrigue, in which three persons near the Throne were engaged, was set on foot, and two eminent Foreign Diplomatists were last week informed that they might, with confidence, write to their respective Courts to state that in less than ten days, the Grey Administration would be at an end. There is no doubt that the late Carlist movement in France had some connection with the intrigue. At the conclusion of the business of the Court of Chancery yes- terday, the Lord Chancellor, in a solemn and affecting manner, took leave of the Bar, & c. He concluded his valedictory address in the following words :—" The personal feelings to which I have adverted are lost in the public sense of duty under which I act, and which compels me, X trust without any undue feelings of pride, to regard the abandonment of power to the commandments of duty, not as a misfortune, but a glory." The True Sun of yesterday evening has the following statement: " When their Majesties, incoming from Windsor to town to day entered Brentford, the people, who had assembled in greatnumbers, began to groan, hiss, and make the most tremendous noises that can be imagined. Along the roads to London the people expressed their feelings in a similar manner, and when the carriage entered the Park, the mob saluted their Majesties with yells and execra- tions of every description, which we refrain from publishing. The moment the carriage entered the Palace- yard the gates were closed." On Friday evening, one of the largest meetings that ever as- sembled on any previous occasion was held at the Guildhall, Lincoln. All the wealth, respectability, and intelligence of the city were present, together with nearly all the members of the corporate body. Amongst other resolutions, one was passed praying the House of Commons to withhold the supplies. This meeting did not dissolve itself, but adjourned, to meet any exi- gency to act in concert with the country. It appears by letters from Paris, which have been received by express, that up to Friday morning, no account had been received there of the resignation of our Ministers. The war party in the French Cabinet were gaining ground hourly. Marshal Soult had succeeded in obtaining from the King his consent to adopt more vigorous measures against the Carlists, and had acquired so much influence over his Majesty, that all the minor appointments of the household were made upon his recommendation. One of the French Papers states that two Spaniards of distinction were taken on board the Carlo Alberto, with letters in the hand- writing of Ferdinand VII., which throw great light, not only upon the projects of the Duchess de Berri, bnt also upon the general policy of Europe. Amongst the rumours afloat in Paris, the most prominent was, that M. de Bourmont had appeared with a large force in the south of France, and had succeeded in taking several towns. KING'S THEATRE.— The interest of politics is so completely on the ascendant, that we can scarcely find space to state that the long promised Opera of Pacini. Gli Arabi Nelle Gullie, was produced last night, and that in it Rosa Mariani and Signora Grizi made their debuts. Nothing can be more dissimilar to their names than the personal appearance of these two ladies: the euphonious Mariani possessing a most flagitious squint, and altogether laide a faire peur ; while the cacophonous Grizi is an extremely nice look- ing person, with a very pleasing expression, and brilliant com- plexion. Mariani was eminently successful; she possesses a con- tralto voice of most extraordinary power, capable of surpassing Donzelli in its pulmonary effects. But the lady has more judg- ment and discretion than the gentleman, and is contented with astonishing us once or twice in the evening Grizi is a soprano, of not the most exquisite sweetness, but she manages it with very great skill; and in the duet, Saprai frenar I'orgoglio, she sang most beautifully. In the SomnambuU, Brugnoli and Samengo danced a pas de deux, which alone ought to bring people from Scotland to witness it. We congratulate Mr. M. Mason on the improvement he has effected ; though this, and more, will barely compensate for the performances we have been compelled to witness within the walls of a theatre which used to present a perpetual source of en- tertainment. DOUBLE- PATENT PERRYIAN PEN.— The flexibility of this entirely new instrument is so absolutely na- tural, that the action of the pen " in metal" can now no longer be distinguised from that of the goosequill. Nor does this pen possess the properly of durability in a less eminent degree than that of flexi- bility. Its constructicn, also, is such, that it accommodates itself to w riters and writing of all descriptions. The packets are of two sizes— the larger containing nine pens, price 3s. ; the smaller, four, price Is. 6d. To be had of all booksellers, stationers, and dealers in Metallic Pens, as also at the Perryian Pen Manufactory, No. 37, Red Lion square.— All the other kinds of the Patent Perryian Pens, namely, the Office, the Classed, and the Varnished, at the usual prices. FASHION. NEW SLEEVES, Trimmings, full length and small size French Paper Dresses, Bonnets, Caps, & c. & c., in immense variety, formed with exquisite taste and novelty in the colours in which they are worn, have just been forwarded by Madame FOLLETT at Paris, to Mrs. FOLLETT, No. 13, Han- way- street, Oxford- street ( removed from No. 1.), and are received by no other Establishment whatever. Ladies' own materials made up from the above patterns by most experienced hands, equal to any house in London or Paris, without extra charges, as follows : Bonnets, Dresses, and Pelisses, 5s. 6d. each, full trimmed and Ball Dresses, 7s. 6\ 1., Caps, Is. 6d., Turbans, 2s.— Country Milli- ners and Dress Makers supplied with the above patterns at 10s. per Foreign and Mourning Orders, including every article of Dress and Outfit, executed with despatch.- Patent Instantaneous Closing Corsets. - Manufacturers of the UGGIN'S PATENT VENTILATING BEA- VER HATS are acknowledged to be the best kind of Hats everyet invented ; they are exceedingly light, only four ounces and three- quarters; will never injure by wet, lose their colour or shape, and will not prevent the egress of perspiration, which has been so much the complaint of Water- proof Hats, often pro- ducing the head- ache and the loss of hair. Price 21s. and 26s. Drab, Brown, and Lady's Riding Hats at the same price. To be had only of the Patentees, Duggin and Co., 80, Newgate- street, near the New Post Office. N. B. Waterproof Beaver, 18s.; Light Silk Hats, from 9s. 6d. to 18s.; Boys'and youths' Beaver Hats, from 5s. 6d. to 18s.; Gentlemen's and Boys' Caps of every de- scription. BEAVER HATS, the best in London, at 21s. To the Economist and the Man of Fashion — The above Hats are manufactured upon the best principles, free from the complaints common to other made Hats. In variety of shape they are unrivalled : the best in London, at 21s.; second qualities, ditto, 16s. aud 18s.; the best double- edged Silk Hats, 12s.; second qua- lities, 8s. 6d. Youth's superfine Cluth Caps, 6s. 6d. Travelling Caps in every variety, from 8s. Drab and Brown Hats, the best, 21s. Summer Cap, three ounces weight, 8s. 6d. Hats, ditto, 12s At PERRING'S, 85, Strand, corner of Cecil- street. No con- nexion with any other house. CORN EXCHANGE, MAY 11. The arrival of Wheat since our last has been very large, and the supply of flour extremely great ; in consequence of which, there is very little doing. The supply of Barley is small— no alteration in price. Large arrivals of Oats— prices on the decline. Imperial Weekly Average Six Weeks' Average, which regu- lates duty Duty on Foreign Corn Wheat. Barley. Oats 62s Id 34s lOd 21s 4d 60s 8d 34s 6d 21s 2d 27s 8ri 10s lOd 15s 3d inr.^ oi o VJ VJ .1 IY. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the returns made in the week ending May 8, is 26s. 8fd. percwt. exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. SMITHFIELD, MAY 11. Per stone of 81b. ( sinking the offal.) Pff 3s 4d to 4- s Od I Veal 4s Od to 5s Od Mutton 4s Od to 4s 10d | Pork 4s 4d to 5s 4d Head of Cattle at Market. Beasts - 360 [ Calves - 210 | Sheep - 5.930 I Pigs - 100 iQ Hay and straw, per load. Hay, 31. to 41. 10s. |" Clover, M. to 61. | Straw, 28s. [ From the Gazette of Tuesday, May 8,] BANKRUPTS. J. Dillon and A. Steward, of Mincing lane, wine- brokers— R and C. Creaghe, of Dublin, merchants— W. C Faulkner, of Dublin, merchant.— J. Rogers, of Rochdale, Lancashire, draper— R. Whit- worth and J. Bennett, of Wilderswood, Horwich, Lancashire, cotton spinners— J. Blackford, ofDevonport, Devonshire, watchmaker and silversmith— J. Heaward, of Hilihouse, Spotland, Rochdale, Lan- cashire, farmer and fuller— W. Wareing, of Hollowell, Northamp- tonshire, miller and baker— T. Walker, late of High Holborn, tal- low- chandler— J. Cochrane, Waterloo- place, Pall- mall, bookseller — J. Appleyard, of Leeds, dyer— E. Cope, of Birmingham, liquor- mercliant— G. Sheppard, of AIniondsbury, Gloucestershire, victual- ler— J. Temple, of Myton, Kingston- upon- Hull, common- brewer— T. Williams, uf Newport, Munmouthshire, twine- spinner— B. Young, cf Downham market, Norfolk, common- brewer— G. Cooper, Exeter, stationer— J. Evans, of Chester, needle- maker and innkeeper. [ From the Gazette of Friday, May 11.] W. Wilmington, jun., Milborne Port, Somersetshire, glove- manu- facturer— T. Jackson, Old George- street, Southward, fruit- sales- men— A. Aglio, Smedley, Lancashire, dealer— J. Ford, Bath, book- seller— J. Kenlon, High- street, Poplar, linen- draper— W. H. Hal- sey, Bermondsey- street, Southwark, tea- dealer— John Gtoutage, Strand, fishmonger— J. M. Steward, Jerusalem Coffee- house, Corn hill, luaster- mariner— G. Dean, Maidstone, tallow- chandler— John Wood, Horsham, Sussex, earthenware- dealer— E. Gowland, Great Dover- street, Southwark, apothecary— J. Powell, Newent, Glou- cestershire, grocer— J. G. Worthy, Alphrington, Devon, corn- factor — W. Hirst and sons, Gomersall, Yorkshire, merchants— A. Spiers Corick, Bristol, timber- merchant— W. Henson, Worcester, lace- manufacturer— J. Beard, Poole- quay, Montgomeryshire, wharfinger — W. Bennett, Lostock, Lancashire, cotton- spinner— T, Frances, Jjyerjioql, bujl^ r— P. de Llarno and P. Rull, Liverpool, merchants. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. NEWMARKET FIRST SPRING MEETING. WEDNESDAY. Sweepstakes of 50 each, h. ft. T. Y. C. 4 subscribers.— Lord Jersey's Middleton colt walked over. Match, 100, h. ft. T. Y. C. 8st. 71b. each.— Mr. Chifney's Landrail reed, from Mr. Osbaldeston's Apuntador. Sweepstakes of 50 each, h. ft. D. M. Four subscribers. Lord Jersey's Alia, 7st. 51b 1 Mr. Houldsworth's Circassian, 8st. 101b 2 Lord Wilton's Bras de Fer, 8st. 101b 3 Won in a canter, by five lengths. Fifty Pounds. B. C. Duke of Grafton's jEneas, 3 yrs. 7st. 51b 1 Lord Lowther's Midhurst, 3 yrs, 7st. 51b 2 THURSDAY. Sweepstakes of 20 sovs. each. T. Y. C. Lord Jersey's Alea, 3 yrs, 8st. 21b 1 Lord Orford's Naiad, 3 yrs, 8st. 71b 2 Even betting. Won by a length. Sweepstakes of 30 sovs. each, 20 ft. T. M. M. Seven subs. Mr. Vansittart's Rubini, 3 yrs, 7st. 41b 1 Mr. Watts's Mazeppa, 4 yrs, 7st. 131b 2 Mr. Wagstaff's Joan of Arc, 3 ; Lord Exeter's Dulcinea, 4 ; Mr. Rush's Guilford, 5 ; Mr. Pettit's Ipsala, 6. Two lengths. A Sweepstakes of 30 sovs. each, 20 ft. D. M. 4 subs. Lord Burlington's Mouse, 4 yrs, 7st. 91b 1 Beating Captain Rous's Lioness, 3 yrs, 7st. and Lord War- wick's Water Witch, 3 yrs, 7st. 91b., by a length. The King's Plate of lOOgs. R. C. Lord Chesterfield's Priam, 4 yrs 1 Sir M. Wood's Lucetta, 5 yrs 2 Colonel Wilson's Rotterdam colt, 4 yrs 3 Won in a canter, by five lengths. Renewal of the l, 000gs. Stakes. D. M. Lord Exeter's br. f. by Sultan, out of Advance .. .. .. 1 Lord Chesterfield's f. Olga 2 Mr. S. Day's b. f. Salute 3 Lord Orford's f. by Muley, out of Rosanne.. 4 Won very easily. Advance has risen to 5 to 1 for the Oaks. Olga is gone. FRIDAY. Second year of the renewal of the Newmarket Stakes of 50. Mr. Batson's b. c. by Catton 1 General Grosvenor ns c. Beiram by Sultan ,, 2 Lord Westminster ns ch. c. Sepoy 3 Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 sovs. each. T. Y. C. Lord Exeter's Palais Royal colt, 8st. 21b 1 Lord Uxbridge's Hermit, 7st. 121b .. .. ? Lord Chesterfield's Sqnirrel 3 A Sweepstakes of 10 sovs. each was won by Mr. Cooper's Will Scarlet, 2 yrs, REAL TURKEY and BENGAL CARPETS.— The Nobility and Gentry are respectfully informed, that the finest selected qualities of real Smyrna and Bengal Carpets are now ready for inspection at HINDLEY'S CARPET WAREHOUSE, 32, Berner's- street. In consequence of the very extensive assort- ment, and the great demand for many years experienced at this Establishment, it will be found the best at all times for warranted genuine manufacture. The present Printed List is much under the usual charge. BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH, NEW- ROAD, KING'S CROSS, LONDON. MR. MORISON, the President, and Mr. MOAT, The Vi'- e- President, in conjunction with ail the Honorary Members, and Country Agents uf the British College of Health, being now fully borne out with the conviction, approbation, and indubitable proofs, of upwards of 200,000 individuals ( who had been thrown aside by the Faculty, and out of the Hospitals, as in- curable) having been restored to sound health by the " Universal Medicines ;'*-— with all this incontrovertible ma- s of exidence in sup- port of the Hygeian Theory and Practice, wdiich challenges the con- troversy of the whole body of Medicists, under the old system to subvert, they, the heads of the College, hesitate not lo declare, in the face of the Faculty, that this new light must completely change the whole course of the Materia Medica, and introduce a new era in the science of physic: that, in fact, mankind will be taught, in future, a new and certain mode of investigating the nature and cause of Diseases in general, and of possessing a certain and harmless mode of cure, making every individual his own efficient doctor. In confirmation of what is here asserted, the heads of the College mean to insert, in this Paper, a continued series of new cases, from indi- viduals giving their names, residences, and dates of time of cure, all of which have been voluntarily given, and ascertainable as to the facts by inquiry. CURE OF CONSUMPTION FROM A SEVERE COLD. TO MESSRS. MORISON AND M- AT. Gentlemen,— Being in the Coast Guard Service, about twelve months ago I caught a severe cold, which settled on my lungs, pro- ducing shortness of breath, pains in the side, wasting of the whole system, and exhibiting in appearance all the marks of a deep con- sumption : ail means of relief tried having proved fruitless, I was induced to try the effect of the " Universal Medicines," on tbe re commendation of Mr. Roberts, of Copper- House, whose wife had been cured after the ductors had given Iter up for death, and am happy to publicly attest that two small boxes of your inestimable pills most completely removed all my complaints, and restored me to full health four months ago, during which time I have gained upwards of 30lb. in weight, and am now in the full vigour of life. Grateful to the Almighty, and you, the happy instruments of this universal good, I am, gentlemen, your devoted humble servant, JOHN WHITE. Gwithian Church- town, Cornwall, Oct. 25, 1831. INDIGESTION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES CORRECTED AND CURED. TO MESSRS. MORISON AND MOAT, Gentlemen,— Permit me to add one more laurel to your fame. From the benefit I have received from the use of your vegetable Pills, I feel in duty bound to make my case public, hoping, by so doing, it may catch the eyes of those afflicted with the same com- plaint, and be the means of their recovery. I had been suffering eighteen months from indigestion and the long train of disorders that follow it; bilious pains in the stomach, swimming in the head, sore throat, pain in the side, severe gripings of the bowels, cold sweats of nights, & c. & c. I had medical advice in the early stage of my complaint, and, in the aforesaid time, was attended by three of the faculty. By their advice I went under the operations of blistering, bleeding, leeching and starving, to strengthen my diges- tive organs. I must confess they gave me relief for a short time, but weakened me for another attack, which the least cold I caught would bring on, and every time worse; so that I began to despair ever getting any better. As a man that is sinking will catch at a straw, so 1 caught at your medicines, but did not think they would do me any good. I felt prejudiced against them, as quackery, and was a long time before I would take them. 1 bought two 2s. 9d. boxes, as a trial, and took five pills at a dose, one's and two's al- ternately, till done, and found some relief. I then waited on Mr. Moat, on the 6th of May, 1831, at the British College of Health, who wished me to increase the dose to ten. I followed his ad- vice, and in three weeks was able to follow my usual employ, and kept on taking the Pills, varying from five to twenty, till the latter end of September, never missing one day during the time. I re- gained my health and strength gradually, and am happy lo add, atn now quite well, and shall feel pleasure to answer any personal enquiry.— Your's, in gratitude, J. LOFTS. 10, Mile End- road, Stepney, Nov. 16, 1831. The " Vegetable Universal Medicines' are to be had at tile College, New- road, King's- cross, London ; at the Surrey Branch 96, Great Surrey- street, Blackfriars; Mr. Field's, No. 16, Air- street, Quadrant; Mr. Chappell's, Royal Exchange; Mr. Walker's, Lamb's Conduit- passage, Red Lion- square; Mr. J. Loft's, 10, Mile- end road ; Mr. Bennett's, Covent- garden- market; Mr. Hay- don's, Fleur- de- lis- court, Norton Falgate ; Mr. Hasleit's 147, Rat- cliffe- highway; Messrs. Norbury's, Brentford ; Mrs. Stepping, Clare- market; Messrs. Salmon, Little Bell- alley ; Miss Varrai's, 24, Lucas- street, Commercial- road ; Mrs. Beech's, 148, Sloane- street, Chelsea ; Mr. Chappel, Royal Library, Pail- Mall; Mrs. Clements, 12, Bridge- street, Southwark; Mr. Wallas, 3, Borough- road, near the Obelisk ; Mr. Kirtlam, 4, Bolingbroke- row, Walworth ; of Mr. Pain, 64, Jermyn- street; Mr. Wood, hair- dresser, Richmond ; Mr. Meyer, 3, May's- buildings, Blackheath; Mr. Griffiths, Woodwharf, Green- wich; Mr. B. Pitt, 1, Cornwall- road, Lambeth; and at one Agent's in every principal town in Great Britain, the Islands of Guernsey and Malta j and throughout the whole of the United States of America. to 40s. COAL EXCHANGE, MAY 11. ~~ Killingworth, 19s 9d.— St. Lawrence Main, 19s 6d— West Hartley, 17s 6d— Wall's End, Bell, Robson, and Co. 18s Od— Northumberland, 19s 6d to 20s— Perkins, 20s to 20s 6d— Rus- sell's, 22s— Lambton Primrose, 22s to 23s— Stewart's, 22s 3d— Hartley, 18s— New Flocton, Milne, and Co., 17s 6d— Ships ar- nved since last market day, 20. PRICES OF THE PUBLIC FUNDS. Bank Stock Reduced 3 per Cents Consols, 3 per Cents — for Account. .*. — 3J per Cents. .. Reduced per Cents.. . New 3J per Cents New 4 per Cents Long Annuities • • India Bonds . - • Exchequer Bills- Mon. Tues. Wed. Thur. Frid. -> 04j 205 203 201 too 84 83J 84 84 83f 85J 84f 85 85 84- f 84* 85* 85 84# — — 91f — 9H yiir 91} 91| 9H y- H 92* 92* 93 92f lUOj 101* 100} 100# 100* 16# 16 16J 16i 16J 5 p 2 p 5 p 6 p 5 p 16 13 14 11 9 Satu. 201 82J 84£ 84f 91* 92|- 100f 16£ 5 16 COURSE OF Amsterdam, 3 months, 12 Ditto, short, 12 Rotterdam, 3 months, 12 Hamburgh, do. 14 Paris, short, 25 80 Ditto, o months, 26 5 Frankfort, ditto, 154J Vienna, ditto, 10 11 Trieste, ditto, 10 to 12 Madrid, dilto, 35 § Cadiz, ditto, 36 EXCHANGE, MAY 11. Bilboa, 3 months, 35$ Leghorn, ditto, 47f Genoa, ditto, 25 90 Naples, ditto, 41 Palermo, ditto, 120 Lisbon, 30 days' sight, 47J Oporto, ditto, 47j For. Gold, in bars, 31. 17s. 9d. New Doubloons, 3/. 15s. 9d. New Dollars, 4s. 9d. BIRTHS. At Compton Rectory, the lady of the Rev. G. More Molyneux, of a daughter— At the Rectory, Stanstead, Suffolk, the lady of the Kev. S. Sheen, of a son. MARRIAGES. At St. Alphege, Greenwich, E. N. Kendall, Esq. Lieut. R. N., to Mary Anne, eldest daughter of Joseph Kay, Esq. of Greenwich. Hospital, and of Gower- street, Bedford- square At Reading, James Henry Mandeville, Esq. only son of John Henry Mandeville, Se- cretary to his Majesty's Embassy at Constantinople, to Jane, young est daughter of thc Rev. Benjamin Hutchinson, Vicar of Burton, Yorkshire.— At Compton Pauncefort, Capt. Portman, Esq. M. P. for Dorsetshire, to Harriet Emily, youngest daughter, of T. L. Napier Sturt, Esq. DEATHS. . In Maddox- sireet, Lieut- Col. R. A. Cruise, H. P. Unattached, and fourth son of H. Cruise, of Ruhood, in the county Meath. Lieut. Adye, 98th Regiment, drowned on the 4tli Feb. in crossing the Fish river neor Caffer Drifts, Cape of Good Hope.— The lady of Sir R. Graham , Knt. late one of the Barons of the Exchequer.— In Harley- street, the Dowager l ady Boston.— At Spring garden- ter- race, Elizabeth, widow of the late General Rochfort, of the Royal Artillery— At Gurrawarra, Ensign G. Palmer, 27th Regiment Ben- galNa live Infantry. AGENTS TO THIS PAPER:— Abergavenny, Watkius Exeter, Townsend Kendal, Fenton Arundel, Mitchell Falinoutb, Plielp Newcastle, Harrison Ashlord, Tunbridge Froine, Joi. es Newcastle, Home Alnwick, Davison Fulliam, Banks Newark, Br< dges Brighton, Junes Gravesend, Couves Oxford, Slatter Bristol, Westley Glasgow, M'Phun Peterboro', Cliadwell Bath, Williams Greenwich, Allen Plymouth, Bartlett Basingstoke, Lowman Godalming, Stedman Portsmouth, Carter Broadstairs, Barns Guildford, Russell Preston, Wilcoxon Boston, Brook Gainsborough, J. Drury Portsea, Woodward Birmingham, Cooper Hastings, Glazier Petworth, Phillips Rridgewater, Dean Hereford, Vale Perth, Sidey Barnsley, Ray Hounslow, Tlmmrson Reading, Lamb Birmingham, Mansell Halesworth, Tipple Rams- ate, Sackett Hudder- field, Lanca- Rochdale, Hartley shire n;-' ' Hull, Perkins Hampstead, Lindsey High Wycomb, King H gligate, Bage Holloway, Stevens Ipswich, Root Islington, Pritchard Bradlord Inkersley Blackburn, Rogerson Blandford, Ship Beverley, Garuham Bedford, Rlayle Brentford, Drew Brentford, Norhury Battel sea, Hitchin Chester, Evans Colnbrook, Baily Chertsey, W etton Cheltenham, Thornton Kew, Wall Coventry, Horsfall Cambridge, Smith Carlisle, Cockburn Chichester, Smither Canterbury, Ccwtan Ludlow^ Griffith Colchester, Swinborne Lynn, Garland Croydon, Baker Crouchend, Powter Chatteris, James Daventry. Payne Dundee, Chalmers Devonport, Coleman Louth, Hurton Dorchester, Clark Marlborough, Lucy Richmond, Woodman Southampton, Rose Speenhamlaiid,. Messrs* Hall und Marsh Shrewsbury. Newling Stockton, Jennet Stoneliouse, Newcombe St. Alban's, Arnold Kidderminster, Pennell Stockport, Holme Keigliley, Aked Sittingbourne, Marsh Saffron Walden, Young- Loughborough, Adams man Leeds, Baines and Co. Stockport. Holme Liverpool, Willmer Shefford, Beds, Stafford Leamington, Bettison Sheffield, Wiley Stamford, Haddocks Staines, Critrhter Stourbridge, Heminga Shields, N., Appleby Tewkesbury, Pearce Lymington, Hants, Maitin Leicester, Brown Lincoln, E. B. Drury Taunton, Poole Lyme Regis, Ham Tenbury, Home Uxbridge, Lake Wakefield, Nicholls Wolverhasnpton, Cal* dicott Winchester, Robins Warrington, Maliey Darlington, Coates Mansfield, Yates Dover, Norwood Maidenhead, Wetton Doncaster, White Morpeth, Wilkinson Dudley, Walters Manuden, Burls Dublin, Johnston Margate, Witherden, Wigan, Critcldey DerUy, Bainbrigg Mitchell, Arundel Warwick, Heatheote Deptford, Porriit Manchester, Lewis Wakefield, Hanfield Durham, Hogget Norlli Shields, Appleby Whitehaven, Robinsoa Exeter, Spreet Northampton, Freeman Wrexhain, Hughes Edinburgh, Walker Nottingham. Deardeu Windsor, Peirce Egham, Wetton Norwich, Watling Yarmouth, Meggy Agents in all other Towns of ihe United Kingdom will be appointed, upon application to the Publisher. *** A Saturday Edition of this Paper is published in time fot post, for the Country only— and which may be obtained of all Newsmen on Sunday morning, within 100 miles of London* LONDON: Printed by W. A. DEACON, Savov Precinct, and Published by him at the Office, 2, WELLINGTON- STREET, STRAND ; where, ONLY, advertisements and all communica- tions addressed to the F< ditor * re receive^