Supplement to the Newry Examiner. < • No. I. NEWRY, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 17, 1830. VOL. I. METROPOLITAN POLITICAL UNION. Ox Monday, the 8th inst., a meeting took place at the Eagle Tavern, City- road, for the purpose of tak- ing into consideration the state of the country, and the- adoption of a Metropolitan " Political Union." It was held in the bowling- green of that tavern, and the gallery along one side of the green constituted the hustings. A chair was placed in the centre of it for the Chairman. The landing- place at the top of the stairs, and in front of the gallery, was used as a " Forum," whence the several speakers addressed the Meeting. The opposite wall, where the tennis game is played, acted as a boundary for the Meeting, and limited the sound so well; that the persons near it could hear as well as those at short distances from the hustings. By eleven o'clock, the people began to assemble in vast numbers, although the placards along the roads announced that the meeting would not commence business till one o'clock. By twelve o'clock, the green was entirely filled, and those who arrived afterwards, were obliged to content themselves with remaining at very respectful distances from the " Forum." All, however, could see very well, and the favourable weather kept all in good humour; they were quiet till the commencement of the meeting. It was calculated that at this time there were assembled no fewer than 10,000 persons. The gallery was full of company, half consisting of most respectably drest ladies. The whole scene was an imposing and inter- esting one. At one o'clock, the grand party entered the bowl- ing- green. Mr. Hunt led the way. He was followed by Mr. O'Connell, a party of friends, the Committee, & c. They were greeted with loud applause. Mr. O'Connell was dressed in a green frock coat, and a large blue mantle, carrying in his hand a blue travel- ling- cap with gold and green band. Mr. Hunt was true blue, both with coat and trousers. Having as- cended the stairs, Mr. Hunt introduced Mr. O'Con- nell, who was hailed by renewed rounds of applause, followed by three rounds of cheers, on the proposition of Mr. Hunt. Mr. HUNT then stepped forward. He begged to premise that all would endeavour to preserve silence and order— that none would make a noise by crying " silence!" nor create disorder by crvmnr nut crying out He now had out " order 1"—( Cheers and laughter.) merely to propose that Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M. P. do take the Chair.—( Loud applause.) Carried una- nimously, with immense cheering, amidst which, Mr. O'CONNELL stepped forward. He was truly proud of the high honour they had conferred on him— the honour of presiding over a meeting of honest British subjects, who were too good to suffer them- selves to be niled by an oligarchy— too intelleetualnot to see the wrongs inflicted on them— and too patrio- tic not to look for Constitutional redress.—( Cheers.) This was not the first time he had to address a meet- ing in the open air; on the contrary, as they might have heard, he had often had so to address his coun- trymen ; and, on all those occasions, his countrymen had permitted him to address them with a cap on.— He had the self- same cap with him—( holding up the the aforesaid- described cap),— and, with their permis- sion, he would do in England as he had done in Ire- land.—( Cries of " Do, do.") He would wear his cap; but if it should be deemed a mark of disrespect, he certainly would not wear the cap, great as would be to him the convenience of wearing it.—( Renewed cries of " Do, do I" " Wear the cap.") Mr. O'Con- nell ( having mounted his comfortable cap, amidst mingled applause and merriment of the immense meeting) proceeded :— He said he held ill his hand the requisition to the Lord Mayor to allow this meet- ing to be held in the Guildhall, but it seemed his Lord- ship had declined to allow the meeting to be held, though he permitted the meeting about the Spaniards: his Lordship seemed to prefer the Spanish to the English, and in that he thought his Lordship shewed very' bad taste.—( Cheers and a laugh.) He could not sympathize with any man, whose tender mercies could see foreign calamities without being alive to those at. home, and who could not be animated by the dis- tresses and calls of those who had been deprived of the benefits of the freest Constitution, in England, bv the ef- forts of an Oligarchy— an authority who had " usurped to the few those powers and lienefits which were in- tended for, and of right belonged to the many. ( Hear.) He must again say, that having been called to the chair of this meeting, it was the proudest circum- stance of his political life. He had not been more gratified since he had escaped from that political de- gradation to which he was once subjected, since the breaking of those chains which, with the blessing of God, they had destroyed for ever. He differed from them somewhat in accent— his language had a touch of the Irish mountains, and, therefore, perhaps, he might not be all they could wish; but the selection they had made in desiring him to take the Chair, was to him a source of consolation, comfort, and triumph. He also thanked them for the honour they had con- ferred on him, because it afforded him the opportunity of vindicating his principles as a Radical Reformer.— ( Cheers.) He was, in the first place, a Radical Re- former of the abuses in the law— of the chicaner)*, expense, antl delay, in what were called the Law Courts of the country. He wished the law to be clear and intelligible, and the administration of it cheap, expeditious, and unvexatious. He would open, the Courts to the poor as well as to the rich, for the poor wanted law as well as the rich— perhaps much more. It was a saying that the Courts were open to all— they ought to be; but as Home Tooke said, the London Tavern was open to all as well as the Courts, but what was tbe use of that to the poor ? —( Loud cheers.) He wanted to see open to the poor, Courts of Law, where they would not be fleeeed, and taxed, and shorn as they now were. He wanted to see those tolls broken down which blocked the roads to the Courts of Law. He would say, and say it boldly, that no Government was a just Government that did not pay the costs of the people obtaining justice. The Government paid the Judges, the Army, the Navy, and for collecting the taxes, and for Hea- ven knew what; and he would add that the Govern- ment ought also to pay all the officers and costs, so that the people might obtain justice free of expense. He wished. to see a very Radical Reform in those Courts.—( Hear.) As to the House of Commons, as it was called, he wanted to see a Radical Reform there also. What the people wanted, and what he wanted too, was a " People's House."—( Cheers.) What they had now was an instalment of the House of Lords, sitting in another Chamber. This was the first time, and it was a cause of gratitude with him, that he had this opportunity of speaking— that he could make a public profession of his principles on the English stage of politics; and all would admit, he trusted, that his first appearance was characterised by all becoming modesty and diffidence.—( A laugh.)— When he first appealed to his nutive county of Clare for their votes— and where he obtained such trium- phant numbers of fearless, unpurchaseable votes, in spite of the frown of landlords and the proffers of mo- ney— he promised the honest, independent, and bold men of Clare that, if elected, he would still take eyery opportunity to obtain a people's House of Parliament. And he made the like promise to the women of Clare.—( A laugh.) He was now in a country where the women were famed for their beauty and angelic loveliness, and who deserved all the admiration we could bestow on them. But they were not more lovely, nor more deserving of the admiration of man than were the women of Clare; and to them he had promised that he would go back and tell them what ef- forts he had made to promote the cause he had so near at heart. He should have the opportunity of telling them that be had realized his promise— that the op- portunity which presented itself he had not suffered to go by. He would now tell the Meeting what were the objects of his pursuit. When young— when his blood flowed rapidly in its course, he raised his voice in the cause of liberty; and now, when he might be said, as far as years were concerned, to be sinking in- to the " sear and yellow"— when the blood was re- ceding from the cheek, his heart beat as warmly as ever for liberty.—( Cheers.) Not from feelings of per- sonal ambition— not from mean and mercenary mo- tives, for the sake of lucre— no, no, so help him God! to achieve unadulterated human liberty, to procure the largest sum of human happiness, and to put an end to a monstrous oligarchy—( loud cheering,)— to procure a just equality of just laws for all, which could not be obtained till the oligarchy was destroyed— that oli- garchy which was the cause of heaping sufferings on millions who did not deserve to suffer. He vowed that while he lived he would not cease liis exertions to obtain such liberty; and he would urge it by means of peaceable and rational ' agitation.—( Continued cheers.) That had been his vow in Ireland, and Ire- land had triumphed; he had joined in the exertions for Ireland, and that country was as free as they were. He had felt that oppression endured for centuries was monstrous, and that the interference between man and his God was blasphemous. He considered the act criminal.—( Hear.) He felt too sincerely in his own person the value of having opinions respected, not to respect the opinions of men who sincerely differed from liim; but he always set that man down as a hy- pocrite who professed to be sincere in his religious opinions, and yet maintained that the force of the law was required to protect those opinions.—( Hear.)— Well, then, he had succeeded in emancipating his country from that degradation; and now— as was the case of Mr. Petre, as regarded the " St. Leger"— having won one stake, Englishmen beheld him ready to start for another.—( Loud and continued cheers.)— And what was the prize for which he would now con- tend ? He would tell them in one word three times repeated—( A laugh.) It was " the Constitution, the whole Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution." ( Cheers.) To gain it lie would have them adopt measures similar to those which had succeeded in Ireland, the object being the end of the oligarchy. Should he ask them whether the House of Commons represented the people, why they would laugh at liim for putting the question, aud he should not refrain from laughing while he was asking the question.— ( Cheering.)— Two thousand persons— 2,000 persons, be it known— returned a majority of Members in the Commons House of Parliament, to represent the in- terests and feelings and rights— what remained!— of 30,000,000 of people. Oh! eternal shame on those who had done these things; antl, oh, more eternal shame on those who bore them— who suffered such a system to last! If a man stole a sheep he was hur- ried off to the Old Bailey, and justly; but those who deprived them of their rights, who thus afflicted mil- lions, why they coidd— go home and pray. But the people of England were too good, and he would say^, too proud, to submit to such a state of things any longer. Impossible! What, England, who had set die example to all Europe of having a limited mo- narchy, submit to the present state of Government! Courtiers, it was true, sometimes appeared to be strong as well as proud; but they were weakness it- self when opposed. That great Charter, which was their just boast, was obtained by the Nobility, aided by the Bishops— and he wished they had a few Bi- shops to co- operate with them just now.—( A laugh.) That great Charter was not only obtained by the Barons and the Bishops forcing it from the Monarch and the timid courtiers;— eternal justice sanctioned the deed; the hand of Heaven sanctioned it, though many were not able to sanction it by their hand- writ- ing. At that period, in 1215, the people were sup- ported by the Nobility, and the Nobility sided with the people. He would give honour where honour was due. The Nobility aided the people, and the Great Charter was obtained without the spilling of blood. He had always thought that no good was to be obtained where they were obliged to resort to the shedding of blood. It only tended to strengthen pow- er— to call forth some military chieftain, and make liim master, who had before been the people's cham- pion. Regal tyranny and Royal despotism had been successfully resisted, and a guard established in safe prerogative— well- defined prerogative, giving a prin- ciple of " fixity" to the Constitution, and securing the people", if they had an honest House of Commons. But what did those Barons— what did the Nobility, when the contest was over ? Why they turned off the people Trith whose aid they had succeeded; they left the people, and began to share the profits amongst themselves. They took the prerogatives to them- selves ; the House . of Lords to themselves; and they usurped the House of Commons. Thus an odious oligarchy have taken from the people their just rights, and those advantages secured under the Great Charter. That oligarchy now nominated a majority of the Commons; and it was against the odious mo- nopoly of power that he warred, and would war. It seemed as if the Hon. House were disposed to laugh at themselves. At the beginning of tlie Session they passed what they called one of their Sessional Stand- ing Orders, declaring that it was a high breach of privilege for any Peer to interfere in, or influence the return of Members to tbe House of Commons. About half an hour afterwards, one Member was avowing that he had purchased a seat from a Peer; and soon afterwards another Member, the son of a Peer, was spoken of as having walked across the House, follow- ed, by eight or nine Peers, all of whom were returned by one and the same influence, and that influence said to be a Peer.—( Hear, hear.) What then became of the Standing Order about the breach of privilege? He was for restoring the House of Commons— for having it what it was intended to be; he desired that the House of Commons should be no longer a dead letter. And he would have those punished even worse than sheep- steelers, who should deprive the people of their inalienable rights. Only think of the modesty of the 2,000 people who returned so many Members to the House of Commons! Th'ey were more capable of choosing proper Representatives for the twenty millions; they had more good sense, more discrimination.' yes, virtual representation was better than real representation. Insolent proposition ! But the people, to use a familiar adage, knew where the shoe pinched. How were those occupied who returned or were returned by such means? How did they think they were occupied ? Why, in getting one brother made a Bishop; the wife of so and so's cou- sin made a General— others made Lords of the Bed- chamber, or " Grooms of the Stole!"—( Laugh and cheers.) All places were occupied, no matter what they were, so long as salaries were attached to them ; nothing appeared too degrading for Noblemen, as they were called, and their nominees and dependents to accept, so that salary was attached; the cash was accepted, the degradation was unnoticed. Ah 1 but the system " worked well." So said Canning and other humbugs of that description.—( Loud cheers and a laugh.) But how did it work well ? Why, as the Grave- digger in Ramjet said by the gallows, " It did well for those that did ill."—( Cheers and iaughter.) But how had the Parliament worked for the people ? Why, it had loaded the country with a debt of £ 800,000,000 ! Who before had ever thought of such a debt ?— a debt of £ 800,000,000!—( Hear)— a dety so enormous that it would take a man fifty- two years to count out the money to pay it: a debt larger than all the money that was ever coined in the world. He would turn to the oligarchy, or any body who said that the system worked well, and hold up before them " eight hundred millions of debt!"—( Hear.) They might have grown rich while that debt was contract- ing,— they might have raised fine palaces, and had rare merry nights and days while they were fastening that millstone around the neck of old England. That debt might have worked well for tbem, but at last what had it done for the people; to what state had it reduced them ? Go from Land's End to John O' Groat's Tavern, as far as the Giant's Causeway; go from one end of the . country to the other, and they would find that the people were plunged into deep, dire, crushing, afflicting, universal distress—-( Hem-, hear.) Who im- posed that distress on the country, or the industrious people of England ? Was it the fault of Englishmen that they were in distress?—( Cries " No, no.")— Were they not as industrious as ever ?—( Hear, hear.) Were they not as intelligent as ever ?—( Hear, hear.) Had they not continued to make vast improvement in manufactures and machinery?—( Hear, hear, with some noise at the gates leading into the grounds, owing to the people pressing forward to get in.) Mr. HUNT stepped forward and begged to state that he had just received a letter, stating that there were upwards of five thousand persons on the outside, who, though anxious, were unable to get into the grounds ; he begged those present to move a little to the right, and that would afford some relief.—[ They did so, and in the move broke down some of the barriers in front of the gallery, which afforded some additional space, enabling many to get under or nearer to the gallery. Many contrived to get on the roof of the gallery, which, for a time, created some alarm among the ladies, lest the roof should give way.— However, all remained tolerably safe, and order was soon restored.! Mr. O'CONNELL resumed. He would take up his address where he had left off. He was telling them— indeed, he was " thinking aloud," that the industry and ability of Englishmen had remained the same ; they were as economical and intelligent as ever, and tlierewere masses of capitalin the country, if they could only be used. All the mischief was attributable to the people not having proper organs in the House to represent their interests and feelings. He would have that defect corrected; he would cut down the sine- cures and useless places, and he would have those re- duced who reduced unjustly six- pence too much, and not only make them return the six- pence, but a half- penny for the interest thereof.—( A laugh.) This country would never have known its present distress, if there had been fair play between man aild man ; all had arisen because the people were subjected to the afflicting scourge of an oligarchy. He would say, and he would say it openly, though he hated regal tyranny with all a freeman's hate, he would pre- fer it to the rule of an odious oligarchy. Such tyranny wotdd be easier to be borne than the grind- ing rule of an oligarchy that fattened on the miseries of a people. The oligarchy met them at every turn. Whatever they saw, tasted, or touched, was poisoned by taxation. In the shoes that they wore, they trampled on it; and the hat that surmounted them was likewise the subject of tax. During their lives they were taxed in every way, and in every direction; and when they died they could not go to their graves without being taxed. Would any body tell him that if the representation were in the state in which it ought to be— that if they had an adequate House of Commons, the people ever could have been brought into such a state ? If such a House had done such tilings, he thought they would pretty soon have been kicked out.—( A laugh.) But the oligarchy taxed them and fleeced them ; they had realized the fable of the dogs and the wolves ; they had destroyed the people's guardians, so that the " wolves" had been able to do wdiat they pleased. They were in the tuation of hungry wolves descending from the Appen- nines, when the dogs were gone, and the watchmen asleep. If the food of the people were taxed, why was it ? To put money into the pockets of the rich. He hated the cant about free trade: it gave cheap silks to the higher orders, while another law existed taxing food. He hated cant of every sort; but the cant about free trade was to him peculiarly disgust- ing— a free trade for the luxuries of the rich, and se- cure tax on the necessities of the poor. Then, what was the remedy for all this mass of mischief and evil V He thought there was too much good sense in the country to put up with such evils much longer: he would repeat, the English were too proud to endure them. What] had the iron so entered their souls, that they would permit themselves to be branijed its slaves '?—( Cries of " No, no.") Then, what was the remedy ? Parliamentary Reform— Radical Reform. . ( Loud cheers.) What he meant by Radical Reform was, that every man should vote for his Representa- tive, and that no man should be deprived of his vote but by the verdict of a Jury, on being proved to be a lunatic, at, somewhat less expense, too, than 30,000/. ( A laugh, and hear.) He had ever insisted, and would ever insist against the principle of property deciding the Representation; and yet they who talked about property being represented, maintained the rights of the boroughs where there was no pro- perty.-—( Hear, hear.) Was this not an insult to their common sense ? The property in the borough was a fiction— in plain English, a lie.—( A laugh.) It was a lie that was put upon two legs and made to walk. He maintained that it was not property, but men, that were • to be represented— not sheep, bullocks, & c., but men— not fundhplders or landowners, but human beings who wanted to be represented.—( Cheers.) What was the use of 20,000 inhabitants of Westminster, supposing they returned two honest men, having the two votes, if they were to be neutralised by two ' votes sent from the ploughed fields of Gatton or Old Sarum ? All admitted the English to possess com- mon sense; some said they were not quite so acute as the Scotch,— the matter was a sort of disputable point; others said they had not so much Latin as the Irish, and could not live so sparingly as a Frenchman, who could make a good breakfast upon a frog; but all admitted that the English had common sense; then could any tiling be so insulting to that common sense as such a system of voting, or such principles of de- ' fence ? There was not common sense in it, no, nor common honesty. Why had it lasted ? Because they had never had public men adequately to espouse their cause. Those who had appeared had either got con founded among the Whigs, or sold the cause they professed to support; but he thought better days and betterprospects for the people were approaching. He trusted that they should see the days'of " merry oil England" again. He also contended for universal suffrage.—( Cheers.) Man, not property, was to be represented. All boobs laid it down as a principle that taxes were justly enforced, because they were assented to by the people through their Representa- tives. And where was the man not subject to tax ? He must be without his nose and eyes, and have his mouth sewed up ; that was the only kind of Eng- lishmen not taxed; and when they found a fellow of that kind, he would consent that " virtual" represen- tation should do for him. But if the assent of the people were required for a tax, to impoSe the tax without such assent would be a robbery. On the like principle the people were liable to be called, out for the defence of the country— and that was just;— but it wits not right to call them out without the de- mand was made by their Representatives. The prin- ciple of universal suffrage was the only rational, just, and honest principle. Of the grades of society in SUPPLEMENT TO. THE NEWRY EXAMINER. representation he knew nothing; he trampled upon the distinctions. Man was a man every where; a Lord was no more than a man, and often much less; but while he respected those distinctions which must arise in society from virtuous, intelligent, or industri- us conduct, he must contend for the eternal equality of man, and his equal right to be represented. He should contend for the vote by ballot. It was the most important of all. Without it, extension of suf- frage would be an evil; voters would be conveyed in droves; but with the ballot, the bribe, the command, the frown of the landlord— all would be powerless.- He should stoutly contend for the ballot. He had been 30 years in achieving one object. His family had a trick of living to be about 96— so that he had about 42 years to perform the work which he was now undertaking. The ballot he wanted, and he never would be satisfied without it. The duration of Parliaments, too, must be shortened. As to the Sep- toiiial Act, as they who had been elccted for three years voted that they should sit seven years; they might as well have voted that they should sit for the terms of their natural lives. That Act was a great evil. As to the duration now to be proposed, he dif- fered from some persons. The experiment of electing for two years had been tried in America, and had succeeded; and he was, therefore, for adhering to what had been successfully tried, in preference to the proposition of' annual Parliaments. But on this point he would not differ from those who honestly sought universal suffrage and vote by ballot.—( Cheers.) Having these advantages, there were no benefits which the people might not expect to result. The Parliament would then be the people's servants, not their masters. The taxes would be taken off. Par- liament would not expect .£ 60,000,000 of taxes to be collected in gold—£ 8,000,000 or £ 10,000,000 would be cheerfully paid; and that amount would be large enough. But, to obtain the advantage now sought, he would not have them resort to brutal violence or physical force; that course would only increase the strength of their enemies; and would prevent good men from joining them. The Duke of Wellington had found the peaceable resistance of Ireland too strong for him.—( Hear, hear.) He would ask of Englishmen to frown their enemies into submission, not to strike— to look them into annihilation. He would have them exert all Constitutional force— no more. But in law as in war, nothing was done with- out a treasury. If they paid a penny a week, or a shilling a month, where Ireland had raised fifty thou- sand pounds, England would raise a million; and how s « oh a sum would enable them to break down the Aristocracy, and to compel the boroughs to be de- fended by £ 20,000 at a time, where little or nothing was now expended. He recommended them fo con- tinue petitioning, for every petition would cause dis- cussion, and the sentiments would get into the news- papers, and cause conversation. The newspaper re- ports were things that no Attorney- General had yet the audacity to prosecute.—( Hear, hear.) To attack through the medium of Parliamentary debate was the safest way of attack. He, however, as long as he lived, would set his face against prosecutions for libel. He stood up the other night in the House of Com- mons in defence of the Press of his enemies against prosecution. In conclusion, he would call on them with clear hearts and clear heads to support him i beating down the oligarchy; in obtaining legal reform, whereby he should rescue the people from the har- pies of the law; and in procuring Constitutional Re- form, whereby all might be represented. He con- tended for liberty ! dear liberty ! which first took its station in this country, and which was dear to Eng- lishmen. And where liberty was oppressed, whether trampled on by the gilded spur of Nobility, or borne down by an oligarchy, those who crushed liberty were his foes, l? or a thousand years it had triumphed in England; and England was yet too good to be trampled on by an Oligarchy. Let all unite, and England would be what it ought to be— * Great, glorious, and free, First flower of the earth," first gem' of the s ( Loud and long- continued cheering.) Mr. HENRY HUNT then addressed the meeting, and said, this was the fifteenth year of peace, and the distress was greater than ever; did not that demon- strate that something must be done ? With the leave of the meeting he would get the Secretary to read the proposed resolutions. Mr. HAND, the Secretary pro tem., then read the resolutions, objects, rules, and duties, of the Metro- politan Union, which chiefly pointed to the necessity of Radical Reform, An amendment, proposed by Mr. CARLiLE, wasnega- tived, and the original resolutions were carried seriatim. A vote of thanks having been passed to Mr. O'Connell, that gentleman, as soon as the resolution was carried, once more presented himself to the meet- i « g. He had, he said, received letters from Mr. Hume, and from Mr. Otway Cave, regretting their ina- bility to attend the meeting, Mr. Hume, he said, deserved the warmest gratitude of the people; for although he was continually overpowered in the divi- sions, yet he, by his perseverance, gave to the coun- try the benefit of the argument and of the struggle. —( Cheers.) For himself, he would say that his Irish heart throbbed with gratitude for the honour they had done him— a heart which, he might say, as regarded its principles and feelings, was baptized in Ireland, but confirmed in England.—( A laugh.)— With regard to what he had done in Ireland, it was said he had a kind of magic with the people of Ire- land. He admitted that he did conjure a little—( A laugh)— but his conjuration was this :— He looked at what was right, and did it, without caring for any in- fluence whatever; and, in the next place, he resolved sever to submit, but to struggle to the last against what appeared to him to be oppressive. He was a barrister, and could give good advice when properly feed—( A laugh)— and he could assure them that the Holy Alliance, in Congress assembled, could not bestow such a fee upon him as had been done by them on that occasion.—( Cheers.) He desired no other title than that which they had given him in Ireland—" the man of the people"—( Cheers)— and he desired no other epitaph on his tomb than " here lies tke man of the people,"— Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL then declared the meeting to be dissolved, and the assembled multitude peaceably dispersed itself. We could not avoid noticing ( for it was the sub- ject of general observation on the hustings,) how very clean and white the hands of the multitude were when held up in support of the Resolutions. Some persons might imagine that this was attributable to the increased cleanliness of the people; but perhaps it wouldbe nearer the mark to attributeitto thefact( me- iancholy, if it be a fact) of their having had no work to do for some time to make them otherwise. ARMAGH BRANCH OF THE NORTH- EAST FARMING SOCIETY. THE second Annual Ploughing Match of the above Society was held on Thursday, the 4th inst. on the lands of Mr. THOMAS GUNNING, of Ballyards. At 12 o'clock, hirty- four well appointed Ploughs started by sound of bugle, and performed their allotted task in a manner highly creditable to them. The day being beautifully fine, there was an immense concourse o highly respectable individuals. By a most judicious arrangement of the gentlemen of the Armagh Hunt Club, a great number of those who attended to wit- ness the ploughing were drawn to the neighbouring hills by the cry of thehounds, whena stag was turned out, and some excellent sport followed, and by which means the ploughs were left sufficient room to execute their work. As soon as the ploughing was over, the Members of the Society attended a Lecture, in the Market- House, delivered by Mr. BURNS, on the im- portance of Science as applied to agriculture. It would be impossible, within our limits, to do sufficient justice to the manner and matter of that gentleman's lecture. The whole, however, was of so clear, in- structive, and popular a nature, that we purpose taking a review of it on Wednesday next. Immediately after the Lecture, 128 of the Mem- bers of the Society, and the friends of Agriculture, dined together in the Tontine. A. I. KELLY, Presi- dent, and JAMES JOHNSTON, Esq. Vice- President, pre- sided. The dinner was excellent. u When the cloth was removed, the President rose and said, that it was a regulation of the Soeiety that all toasts should be given from the Chair, or from the Vice- President; and as this regulation was well cal- culated to preserve harmony, he trusted it would be strictly attended to. He then announced the follow- ing toasts, prefacing each with appropriate remarks : " The King." " The Duke of Clarence, and the other branches of the Royal Family." " The Army and Navy." " The Lord Lieutenant, and prosperity to Ireland." " His Grace the Lord Primate, Patron, and the North- East So- ciety." Rev. C. S. MANGAN. Mr. Chairman, and Gentle- men,— In an assembly of persons unacquainted with the character of the Lord Primate, some lengthened remarks might be expected from the individual upon whom the duty of returning thanks devolves. But the gratifying manner in which the announcement of the toast has been received, sufficiently proves the feelings of the present company upon this subject. Any ob- servations, therefore, from me would only appear like fulsome flattery, whilst, to you, it would be a need- less repetition of what you have yourselves daily op- portunities of witnessing. As your patron and your friend, warmly interested in every thing which concerns your welfare, I feel confident that his Grace will receive, with heartfelt satisfaction, the account of your proceed- ings this day. Such meetings are not only calculated to promote the best interests of agriculture, but to intro- duce and to preserve harmony and unanimity amongst us. Here all are assembled, forgetful of party and reli- gious distinctions, with one great object solely in view, the improvement of their native country. I am firmly persuaded, that no scheme could be devised more likely to benefit the kingdom at large, than the establishment of these societies. I say, Sir, that the individual who first suggested the plan, deserves the blessings of a grateful people. I congratulate you sincerely, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen, upon the flourishing condition of our own immediate branch. Go on, my friends and prosper. To use the farming motto of our sister island, may '! God speed the plough ;' and surely it cannot l> v unsuited to the object which has called us together to remind you, that without this blessing from on High, vain and fruitless will be your best endeavours. Paul may plant, Apollrs may water, but it is God only " who giveth the increase." " The Armagh branch of the North- East Society." On the President giving this toast, he expressed his re- gret at the absence of a gentleman who took a great in- terest in these societies; hut as a letter from him had been received, he begged of the Secretary to read it. The Secretary here read a letter from Leonard Dobbin, Esq., in which he regretted that illness had prevented him from attending. Mr. Dobbin took a review of Farming So- cieties, pointed out their importance, and suggested many useful hints for the consideration of the farmer; after it was read, a unanimous burst of applause followed. The President having called on the Judges for their decision, the premiums were adjudged as follows1st, to Mr. R. Lindsay, of Armagh ; 2d, to Mr. James Blevins; 3d, to W. M'Williams, Esq.; 4th, to Mr. John Stitt, Ty- nan ; 5th, to Mr. Matthew Johnson; 6th, to Mr. Ed- ward Kilpatridk; 7th, to Mr. Edward M'Kean; 8th, to John Kane; 9th, to Mr. James M'Cormack; 10th, to Mr. Edward M'Kean; 11th, to Mr. Michael Maeee; 12th, to Mr. Wm. Graham. FOR SEEDS— 1st, toJVIr. Joseph Morrow; 2d, to Mr. Edward M'Kean. " The Judges." Mr. Ledlie returned thanks. Mr. JAMES WAUGH— Mr. President, I rise to return you thanks on the part of the individuals that were appointed judges for the Rye Grass, and Vetches, and, with your leave, I will take the li- berty of calling the attention of the members of the Parent Society present, to the advantages they would confer on the Agriculturists in the North of Ireland, by having Lectures established in Belfast, in connexion with the North- East Society, on Veterinary practice. In a meeting, like the present, which is almost entirely com- posed of Agriculturists, it will be unnecessary to state the ignorance that prevails among the majority of the persons to whom we are obliged to trust our horses, when attacked with any disease. In ninety- nine cases out of every hundred, nature performs the cure, and they claim the merit; the greater proportion of whom know little more of the effect to be produced by the ' dose they admi- nister, than the unfortunate beast that is placed under their care; and the only way that I am aware that any change can be produced, is, by getting a Licentiate of the London Veterinary College established in Belfast, and allow each Branch Society, on paying a certain sum, to send an individual, who must be approved of by the Com- mittee of the branch that send him, to attend the Course of Lectures, and be instructed in the most approved me- thod of horse shoeing. Although the management would be under the fontroul of the North- East Society, I think it would be highly improper to prevent the North- west and Erne Societies . from sending young men, pro- vided they bore their proportion of the expense, and submitted to the regulations adopted by the North- East Society ;— and from the know n liberality of the proprie- tors and professors of the Belfast Institution, I am quite sure an arrangement could be made to allow the Veteri- nary students to attend a course of Lectures on Ana- tomy. As the North- East Society meet the beginning of the next month, I hope some of the members will mention the suggestion at the meeting, and that it will meet that attention which every person I have spoken to on the subject thinks it merits. \" The Successful Candidates." Mr. EDWARD M'KEAN. I assure you, Sir, I feel great gratification in being included in the list of successful candidates, for whom I beg to return thanks, and that gratification is much increased by knowing that the benefit of this day's rivalry does not end with it; it extends its influence throughout the season, and generates a desire of improvement, not only amongst the competitors on those occasions, but amongst those who are merely spectators. Almost every man, as he now turns a furrow, asks himself, not this work as well done as such a one could do it, who won a prize at the ploughing match ?" and it is becoming a disgrace to the individual who is either negligent or in- expert. As I know there are gentlemen here who are connected with several of the branches of this county, I shall, Sir, with your permission, take this opportunity of suggesting the propriety of" having a general ploughing match, which may be held next year, in some central situation. I have spoken to a number of individuals, who take an interest in the advancement of agricultural improvement, on the subject, and they all agree with me in thinking it will be highly useful; it will bring together the best workmen from all the branches, and tend to make generally known, whatever improved methods of plough- ingmay be in operation in any district. There are, I believe, Sir, nine branches connected with the North- East Society in this county ; a subscription of three pounds from each, will raise a fund quite suffi- cient for the purpose; the detail of the arrangement may be left to a Committee, formed by each Society appointing an individual, which may act, Sir, not only on this occasion, but in the management of the county cattle shows, and in the furtherance of any beneficial objects that have re- ferance to the general agriculture of the county. Our respected Secretary, to whom we are all greatly indebted for the admirable manner he performs his duty, ( loud cheers) will, I am sure, take the trouble of communica- ting with the other branch Secretaries on the subject; and we may hope to see an additional stimulus given to that honourable competition, which can only tend to promote the prosperity ot Ireland. I cannot sit down, Sir, without giving expression to the feeling of pleasure I experienced from hearing the ex- cellent lecture delivered by Mr. Burns this evening,— ( hear, hear.) He has, I think, Sir, clearly proved the great necessity there is for persons engaged m farming operationsacquiring a scientific knowledge of their profes- sion, not only for their individual advantage, but as the best means of increasing agricultural produce to such an extent, as will materially advance the national welfare ; for it is universally admitted, that on agriculture that welfare is principally dependant,— that it is on the solid basis of agricultural prosperity we should erect the fac- tories of our manufacturing wealth. " The Unsuccessful Candidates." " The Vice- President." JAMES JOHNSTON, Esq. As Vice- President of this Society, I beg to return my thanks for the complimentary manner in which this toast has been received. I will take this opportunity of pressing upon your attention, Gentle- men, the paramount importance— now that seed- time is at hand— ot' your purchasing the very best kinds of seeds, which you may sow. The difference in the prime cost is very trifling, while that in the produce is very great. From long experience, and from the observation of others, I can assure you that the best seed will give you a clear extra profit of from 7 to 10 ty cent. ' Inere is another subject which I would press upon your notice. You all know that it is customary to allow land to lie idle for a year— or, as the term is, to " cool." This is a foolish and ruinous measure. No land left to improve by this plan, but would bear an excellent crop of vetchcs. A friend of mine, from Yorkshire, astonished me last year when tra- velling in the neigbourhood of Market- hill: " what!" he exclaimed, " do you allow your cattle to feed among your crops in this country?" I was a little astonished at the query, and thought that some careless fanner had not properly secured his stock; but when I looked, it was cows feeding in a field overrun with rag- weeds, which the Englishman had mistaken for mustard. Now this was a field left to cooland had it been cultivated with vetches, would have actually benefited the ground and supplied good food, while the rag- weeds would not have been per- mitted to rob the soil of useful nutritive qualities. Gentlemen, I beg that you will all fill a bumper, as I have the liberty of giving a toast, and which I am sure you will drink with inlinite pleasure. I cannot pro- nounce a eulogium sufficiently expressive of the high opinion in which this gentlemen is held by me, and by all who have the honour of his acquaintance— a gentleman to whom this Society is deeply indebted for the warm support he has always given to it, and to whom Armagh is under many and lasting obligations., Gentlemen, 1 see you have anticipated me before I announce the name, " The health of our highly respected President, " Mr. Kelly." ( Loud and long continued cheers.) A. I. KELLY, Esq. I beg to thank you, Gentlemen, for the flattering manner in which my health has been received, and to thank the Vice- President for the com- plimentary terms in which he introduced the toast. I will not trespass upon your time, as I hope, before long, to have an opportunity of calling upon a respected friend who sits beside me, and who, 1 am persuaded, will gra- tify us by speaking to the merits of a toast, in wi lich all should feel interested. ( Mr. Kelly alluded to the Rev. Mr. Henry.) " The Town and Trado of Armagh." Mr. HENRY M'KEAN. I have the honour, on the ? art of the trade, to acknowledge a debt of gratitude owe for your attention and kind feelings towards thisfl improving town. I believe I may say, without the fear | of contradiction, that the character of the trading com- munity of this city stands deservedly high ; and I trust that they will never do an act that shall deprive them of this enviable station. A good character is the only am- bition that men ought to labour for : cultivating it judi- ciously will not only improve their place, but advance themselves. Armagh keeping this honourable name in view— regulated by such a Sovereign— patronized by such resident landlords— our enterprising inhabitants have every encouragement to expect a considerable increase of trade and prosperity. " Sir James Stronge, Bart, and the North Eait Society Branch." Mr. Oliver returned thanks. " The North West, and the other 1' arming Societies of Ireland." " The Committee of this Branch." Mr. M. PRINGLE. Sir, in obedience to the call of this meeting, I rise to return my thanks, and the thanks of I the Committee, for the flattering manner in which our names have been received. I beg to assure you, Gentle- men, that in the discharge of our duties, we have studi- ously kept in view the interests of the Society ; and I feel confident, from the manner in which this day has been spent, you will all be satisfied with the way in which we have acted. Gentlemen, there is no doubt but that much distress prevails throughout the kingdom; but of one thing I feel confident, that upon tbe loyalty of the Irish we may rely. We can endure much privation, and when that privation has not proceeded from our own faults, we will take summary means to rid ourselves of it. The Irish have some, but they have not many, tyrants ; but let one of these show himself, and if he do not fly before our . shillelagh, he will take special good care to improve himself and drop his bad habits I am a farmer, and the son of a farmer, and I have ne, or had reason to quarrel with a landed proprietor; but on this I am deter- mined, that so long as I am well treated, I will act well; but I will never be a slave and allow myself to be tram- pled upon. ( Lowl cheers.) " The Secretary and Treasurer." MR. SAMUEL GARDNER. I thank this meeting, Sir, most sincerely, for the very kind manner in which they have received this toast, and I beg to assure them, that in discharging the duties of Secretary and Treasurer to this Branch, I have endeavoured, as far as in me lay, to promote its interests. In the discharge of that duty, Sir, I was called on to write to the different Gentlemen who have landed property in this neighbourhood, for their countenance and support in behalf of this Soeiety, and I regret to say, that as yet mv application has only been partly successful. Surely, Sir, those gentlemen, who are unable by their non- residence to give us. their personal exertions, should contribute to us in a pecuniary way— But I do not yet despair of their support: if I could only convey to them an account of the delightful pro- ceedings of this day, 1 feel convinced that they would require no other argument to induce them to forward the success of a Society, so admirably calulated to pro- mote the true interest of this country. " The Resident Landlords, and may they recollect that their interests are inseparable from the welfare and happiness of their Tenantry." J. JOHNSTON, Esq. Gentlemen,— I regret very much that the large landed proprietors of this neighbourhood should not be present upon this occasion— an occasion, Sir, in which their interests are intimately connected with that of their tenantry. Such societies as these tend to advance the value of landed property. While the landlord is bene- fited, the condition of the lower orders is also improved. I cannot help again reiterating the deep regret which I feel, that you should call upon me to speak to a toast which others, both by their properties and stations, should have been present to acknowledge. It is disgraceful for them to be absent, and I hope that such culpable indiffe- rence will never again be shown. " General Education." Rev. P. SHULDHAM HENRY. Gentlemen,— Your worthy Chairman told you, a short time since, that he would elicit a speech from me, and unless it be to fulfil this promise, I cannot see why my . name should be identified with tho toast which has just friendly to the diffusion of useful knowledge. I confess I have not exerted myself sufficiently in a cause that involves so much of my country's good ; still would I feel ashamed of my indifference, were 1 altoge- ther uninterested in the progress and success of " general education." Agricultural Societies are good, and deserve the hearty support of every man and of every minister; hut, in my opinion, Educational Societies are still better. It is delightful when we are callcd upon to journey through a neighbourhood, where the traces of the landlord's bene- volence and the tenant's industry are visible at every step; where the well- proportioned field, the luxuriant pastu- rage, the promising harvest, the snug white- washed cot- tage, the well regulated farm- yard, and the contented smiles of the lusty children around the doors, afford pal- pable proofs that " lire and let live," ( and I gloried in hear- ing the sentiment a few minutes since, from the lips of a worthy landlord,) is a principle sacred and respected there,— a principle not merely toasted at the festive board, hut carried into practical operation when the lease is per- fcctud and the rent discharged. Who, with the heart of a malt, and susceptible of any kindly emotion, would not participate in the comfort and the happiness that are dif- fused over such a scene. And who, Sir, would not ex- perience the sad reverse of these feelings, when absentee- ism, or a rack- rent spirit, spreads poverty and tears over a whole district? When the dejected countenance, and the crouching aspect, and the half starved, half naked off- spring of the peasant, force upon the mind the melan- choly conviction, that there it is a matter of indifference whether the very life- blood be drained from the heart ot the industrious poor, if their hard earnings can only be wrung from the purse. Gentlemen, you enter fully into these feelings. You rejoice to look upon a well cul- tivated and flourishing estate ; but is it not a sight infini- tely more cheering, to contemplate the traces of intellec- tual improvement, marked in living characters upon mil- lions of human minds ? You sympathise in the miseries of a depressed tenantry, who are robbed both of the spirit and the means of industry ; but is it not far more dis- tressing to behold the powers of the mind, which are cap- able ot such endless improvement, lying deserted like the wilderness, to produce the thorns and briars of immo- rality ? The mind, Gentlemen, is more valuable than the farm. It is your own by indefeisible tenure. No man has a right to lay a rent or an assessment upon that sacred and unalienable property. There you have a kingdom of your own,— there you can retire to enjoy your rights in as proud independence as the noblest of the land. It is the qualities, the culture, the moral improvement of the mind, and not the adventitious circumstances of having amassed a certain number of pounds, shillings, and pence, that gives one man a real superiority over another. The day has come, Gentlemen, when the principle is almost universally recognized, that knowledge ought to be com- mensurate with the existence of mind, and that every man has an equal right to go the fountain of Philosophy, and imbibe knowledge at the sacred stream : not that spurious system, ( for I can never forget that I speak as a minister,) that would dare to place itself in impotent opposition to the high sanction of religion; but that hea- ven- born philosophy of a Bacon, a Newton, and a Locke, which, whilst it elevates the human intellect to the very- highest pitch, bows w ith submission at the hallowed shrine of Christianity. The time was, when the schoolmen and monopolists of collegiate literature, drew a f. nee around that sacred fountain, and forbade the multitude to taste. The embankments raised by scholastic selfishess have given way before popular impulse; and the stream is now flowing on, to bless and to cheer the vallies of our pea- santry ; and thus it is, that, in our day, the farmer can retire, after the duties and fatigues of the field, to expand and cultivate his mind. For my own part, I say, let this stream proceed to the ends of the world. Anticipating glo- rious results, I shall lend my feeble efforts to assist it on- wards. It will not be detrimental, it must be beneficial to religion and the commonwealth ; Jfor I cannot admit that ignorance is the mother either of devotion or of social order. Education, in the legitimate sense of the word, will give stability to the throne, honour to the nation, and independence to the people. It will teach our popu- lations, whilst they respect all authority and well- regu- lated power, to think and to speak for themselves, and excite them, whilst they pay that deference which rank and influence justly claim, to burst asunder the bonds of that vassalage, which would force a man, because he is poor, to kiss the chariot wheels of another, because he happens to be rich. Independence of purse is good, and it is laudable to struggle for it; but independence of spirit is far better: that firm, unbending, manly integrity, with which a cottage would be respected, and without which a throne would be execrated. Education will generate and foster this glorious principle. Education will put your sons and your daughters in the way of preferment; . and, ifthey have worth, talents, and industry, why may they not endeavour to ascend in the scale of society ? SUPPLEMENT TO. THE NEWRY EXAMINER. Possessed of these, if you send them out into the world without a penny in their purse, they will reflect honour on your grave,— devoid of them, could you bequeath them thousands, they will leave an indelible stain upon your memory. One word about such meetings as the present, and I have done. I am a friend to Farming Societies, because the* are useful to a minister and his people, by superinducing habits of cleanliness, sobriety, and good order. I advocate such associations, because they are mutually beneficial to the landlord and tenant, by teach- ing the former, ( not such men as Mr. Johnston, who feel it previously ) on whose prosperity they are to depend for their support, and the latter the best means of extract- ing a competence from his ground ; and I will continue to lend them my countenance, because they bring toge- ther, as we have met this evening, persons of different creeds, ages, and pursuits, for the mutual interchange of good will and brotherly kindness. " The Plough, the Fleece, and the Pail." " The Mechanics' Institute, and its Academy." Mr. EDWARD GARDNER. I beg to thank the Com- mittee for having placed the Armagh Mechanics' Insti- tute and Academy on the list of toasts, and you, Gentle- men* for the warm manner in which this toast has been received.. Sir, I congratulate this meeting upon the im- provement which is manifestly going forward, and, in my mind, the announcement of the Mechanics' Institute up- on this occasion renders this improvement palpable. You are all aware that, a few years ago, to hold up Mechanics' Institutes as deserving of support, or to advocate the dif- fusion of sound knowledge amongst the labouring classes, was looked upon as a declaration of war against the exist- ing state of things. Happily those days are gone, and so far is knowledge from being looked upon as the impla- cable foe to all truly valuable institutions, that she is now courted as their only proper but all- sufficient ally. It is true that I have given much time and thought to these institutions ; but it is equally true that in doing so I have only done my duty. 1 can form some notion of the mighty consequences which knowledge is capable of dispensing, and I would be a traitor to my own convic- tions if I did not do all in my power— though that all is very little— to promote her triumph. Many have told me that, if I were wise for my own interests— if I would study rfiy success as a man in trade, I should not, by advocat- ing an institution which had been powerfully opposed, render myself obnoxious to the public. To me, this seem- ed to strike at the root of my independence— an indepen- dence which I prize more highly than life itself; and I felt, and still do feel, that such a compromise for such an object, though the world might call it prudence, was, in reality, abject meanness; that so far was such a line of conduct from being what it was imagined it would be, that it has been attended with the very opposite conse- quences. It has gained me many and valuable friends, while I am not conscious that it has created a single ehemy. This, Sir, is a proof of the improved and im- proving spirit of the age, and serves to show, that if men's pursuits be truly good, all will recognize them. If men desire to have the good feelings of their fellow, men— and the man who is insensible to public opinion, is either far removed from the rank of mere mortals, or his feelings have been brutalized by the influence of base passions— they must have cultivated minds, and their ac- tions must tend to the production of happiness and vir- tue. If they act thus, no matter how humble their ori- gin, or how low in the false scale of foolish distinctions they may be placed* they will command the homage and respect of all that is valuable— a homage and respect which can neither be purchased by wealth, nor extorted by power. After the glowing description which Mr. Henry has given of the advantages of knowledge, it would ill become me to follow upon the subject. Any thing I could say would only weaken the effect which his observations are so well calculated to produce. I glory in the sentiments which he uttered, and I feel proud that the man, whom I have selected as my religious instructor, should be so worthy of my choice/ and so admiralty qualified for the situation to which the enlightened Presbyterians of Ar- magh have called him. Philosophy, as has been said, is not the foe of religion. No, Sir ; She is her handmaid ; and he is the infidel— he is the unbeliever, who would dare to separate them. Such sentiments as Mr. Henry has uttered are worthy df a Christian divine; and the man who would decry philosophy as the foe of religion, is either a senseless dupe, or a base and designing knave. This he must be ; and no matter how sanctimonious his ldok, how zealous his zeal, if he oppose philosophy, or die-, tates forms of belief— let not the world be deceived by his hollow and hypocritical pretensions— but let all look upon him as the secret foe of man here, and of his hopes here- after. None, Sir, are now hardy enough to stand forward as the avowed advocates of ignorance. No!. They only hope to accomplish their vile purposes by secret means. The people, however, have learned the value of know- ledge, and are now beginning to appreciate the pleasures of its pursuit. Still few, very few, are capable of form- ing a correct estimate of the beneficial consequences flowing from it. The mere acquaintance with a moral or physical truth, is but a small part of what is gained, though this to a rational being is invaluable; butj the expansion of mind— the ennobling virtues which spring from mental improvement— the emancipation from the immense mass of vulgar prejudices which enslave man- kind, are consequences so important, that they cannot be rated too highly, and they clearly point out the happy condition of future generations, when knowledge shall eover the earth, and vice and misery, tyranny and mis- rule, shall only be known in the records of the past. Before I sit down I will tell you some truths. I have heard some of the gentlemen designate their fellow- crea- tures by the term " lower orders." In the English lan- guage there is not a phrase I So utterly detest. Are the labouring classes to be stigmatized by an epithet, which, if it have any meaning at all, would represent them as an inferior order of beings to those who are accustomed to look upon themselves as their superiors ? Sir, to the la- bouring classes we are indebted for every thing, and if these gentlemen would view things in their true light, they would, in place of speaking contemptuously of them, cherish them, and treat them with that respect to which, as the bountiful suppliers of all their wants, they are so justly entitled. Than the mechanic and the farmer, I know of no class more truly valuable ; and when to their occupations, they have superadded mental intelligence, the higher orders are, in point of fact, infinitely their in- feriors. I will tell you, Gentlemen, who are the lower orders, since you will use the phrase, they are the igno- rant— the insolent— the vicious— they belong to no one class, but may be found in all. Happily Mechanics' In- stitutes will teach this truth, and, when taught, the impu- dent phrase will be abolished for ever. Breeding in all its branches." ** The Linen trade of Armagh." Mr. JAMES BAXTER. Mr. President and Gentlemen, As a member of the trade, I rise to return you thanks for your good wishes. The linen trade and prosperity have been so much estranged and at variance with each other for a very considerable time past; if I had the pow- er, as I have the wish, to restore them to their former connexion, I do assure you, I would become a most willing arbitrator. There has been considerable quanti- ty PS of linen sold latterly, but I fear at ruinous prices Those who are unacquainted with the trade, when they hear of sales being made, may think it in a flourishing state— such was the case in tirpes past, but now it is quite the contrary. It might be compared to an assertion made by a Minister of the Crown, a few days ago, in the House of Commons, respecting our increased exports, intending to show the prosperity of the country; but in- stead of it being a source of wealth, as it ought to be, it proved to have a contrary effect. There may be some few persons, who from very particular connexions, may take a different view of the subject; but I am sure it must be admitted that, in general, the trade is in a most depressed state. At present I do not feel myself capable of shewing the cause, or pointing out a cure for the dis- ease ; but this I must say, ( an expression which has been often quoted on similar occasions) that " there is some- thing rotten in the state of Denmark." But while there is life, there is hope ; and I do most sincerely hope that, at our next Annual Meeting, you may receive a more favourable account, and that the linen trade and prospe- rity shall have mutually embraced each other. " The Meal and Flour manufactures of this neighbourhood." Mr. HUGH KIDD. I do not know why I should be called upon to return thanks for the flour trade, as many gentlemen connected with that trade are present, who are both my seniors in years and standing, in the manu- facturing of flour. But now, since I am called upon, I cannot conceal the disappointment 1 feel in not seeing the landed proprietors of this neighbourhood present. I say, Sir, it is a shame and a disgrace to these gentlemen not to encourage, by their presence and their purse, the efforts of their tenantry to improve the condition of the country: for these men to set apart and to withhold their pecuniary assistance is, I repeat it, disgraceful. I hope the lesson which Mr. Johnston has read them, will stimulate them to discharge the duties which, as land- lords, they owe to the people. They will, no doubt, be looking for their rents ; but they should encourage their tenantry by supporting such laudable institutions as those— to adopt improved modes of tillage, that after their rents were paid, the people should have something re- maining for their comfortable support. Mr. Gardner has hopes that they will yet come forward; but I confess I have very little hopes of their ever doing what common justiete would call upon them to do. We will see: and if they do not come forward, what a farce will it be to say, they feel for the well- being of their tenantry ! " The Benevolent Societies of Armagh." MR. MATHEW BELL. I return thanks, Sir, on the part of the Benevolent Society of Saint Patrick, of this city. I am happy to inform you that the funds are strong, and the whole Society in a prosperous state; we. have at present but few claimants on the books, and I tFust we shall long continue so. It is unnecessary for me to speak of the utility of such societies ; they are so apparent as to render my further observations from me superfluous. Mr. STEVENSON being loudly called on, that gen- tleman addressed the meeting as follows : Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, I beg leave, in the name of the Armagh Benevolent Society, to return you their and my thanks for the compliment which you have just conferred on that body. It is to me, Sir, peculiarly gratifying, that so respectable a Meeting of the agricul- tural and mercantile interests should evince, by the re- ception which they have given to this toast, that they ap- prove of the objects which that Society has in view : after what Mr. Bell'has said, it is almost unnecessary for me to say a word in favour of these Societies. He has told you, Sir, that they secure innumerable advantages to their members, the most striking of which is pecuniary relief in time of sickness, and a competent provision for life, if by accident or otherwise an individual is rendered in- capable of earning his own subsistence. The Armagh Benevolent Society, Sir, inculcates the necessity of adopt- ing virtuous and independent principles, as a strictly mo- ral character is considered a sine qua non to admission. If there are any gentlemen in this room, who reside in the neighbourhood of large towns, I would entreat of them to give this subject some consideration. If they could induce the mechanics and labouring classes of these towns to form themselves into similar societies, they would con- fer a lasting benefit on a meritorious body of men, and at the same time enjoy the delightful consciousness of having been useful to their fellow- creatures. The celebrated Mr. Curwen, a gentleman who has done mutfh to, ad- vance the agriculture of these countries, was a strenuous supporter OT these societies ; he prevailed on his workmen to unite themselves into benefit unions, and by contri- buting a moiety of their earnings, they soon created a fund capable of supporting themselves when out of em- ployment, and thus saved themselves from the degrada- tion of coming on the parish for relief. I, Sir, have seen much of the good results of these societies. I have ob- served their effects in softening the animosities of political disunion, and in settling the agitated waters of religious controversy. I have seen men of all creeds, with political opinions " wide as the poles asunder," unite themselves together in a common object, and have seen that object pursued with a fidelity that was honourable to them as men, and creditable to them as Christians. With such experience, Sir, I trust it will not be deemed presump- tuous in' me to recommend the extension of such so- cieties. Benefit Societies are very numerous in Eng- land ; and it was remarked by a gentleman in giving evi- dence before a Committee of the House of Commons, that the poor rates were less burthensome, and the people more industrious and independent, wherever they had been established. I look upon this alone, Sir, as an unanswerable argument in their favour. If the working classes in these countries could be induced to deposite a part of their earnings in such societies, in place of spending them in drunkenness and debauchery, as too many of them do, much of the wretchedness and misery which this country exhibits, would be no more seen ; and many, very many of the crimes which disgrace it would be unknown. I am sure, Sir, that you will learn with pleasure, that the Armagh Benevolent Soci- ety contemplates extending the sphere of its usefulness. At present, Sir, no permanent provision could be insured to the children of the members : this defect they hope to obviate, by having such a fund at their disposal as wrould enable them to extend the blessings of education to the children of the deceased members; and, at the same time, secure their advancement in life by giving them useful and respectable trades. 1 trust, Sir, that I shall be pardoned for taking advantage of this opportunity of impressing on the minds of the citizens of Armagh, the necessity of such an institution, and of requesting them to become honorary members of a Society, which has so useful and praiseworthy an object in view. Let them look around them, and they will see their streets crowded with helpless and unprotected children, who have been brought up in ignorance, and nurtured in vice, without an idea of moral rectitude to guide them through the dangers that beset them at every step, and who must, of necessity, become sooner or later a disgrace to civilized society, and a curse to their unhappy selves. " To our next merry meeting." About II o'clock the Chairman, with some others, with- drew, when their was a unanimous call for Mr. H. Kidd to take Chair; which call was, with reluctance, obeyed, and the party continued making merry until a late hour. UNITED PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. Monday, March 8. Lord STANHOPE, in consequence of the indis- position of his Noble friend, the Duke of Richmond, postponed, the motion, which stood for Thursday, on the Internal State of the Country. On Tuesday and Wednesday no business was trans- acted, with the exception of receiving evidence on the Shakerley and Ellenborough divorce bills: the con- sideration of the former of these has been postponed sine die; the latter was committed, reported, and or- dered to be read a third time on Thursday. Thursday, March 11. Lord HOLLAND put several questions to the Earl of Aberdeen, with respect to Portugal, but no satisfactory answer was elicited. Lord Ellenborough's divorce bill was reported, with one amendment. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Monday, March 8. » STATE OF THE NATION. Lord ALTHORP, on presenting a petition from a parish in the county of Northampton, complaining of distress, made the following observations:— Sir, there is in the country a very sanguine expectation that its distresses are to be relieved by a large re- duction of the taxes which press upon the labouring and productive classes, and I am of opinion that the expectation is just and well- founded. I hope that the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer is pre- pared to make such a reduction. But I confess that from what I have heard, both in and out of this House, I cannot think that his Majesty's Ministers are sufficiently impressed with the extent of the distress under which the country is suffering. I thought it right to make this declaration, that his Majesty's Ministers should have due notice, not only of what the expectation of the country is, but also of the course which I and those who act with me, • mean-' to take in this House. We have no hostility to his Majestv's Ministers. We do not wish to have them removed from their places. But we are bound to do. all in our power to carry reduction to the farthest possible extent, in order that relief may be afforded to the country. I repeat that we have no wish to see his Majesty's Ministers removed from their places, and least of all have we any interested motives in taking a course which may be the cause of their removal. For myself I can say, as I have of- ten said before, that I can see no possible case in which I should be induced to accept office. But we feel that whatever may be the consequences, we must press upon Ministers the absolute necessity of a large reduction of those taxes which bear so heavily upon the labouring and industrious classes of the commu- nity. ' , • v " *" i ARMY ESTIMATES. On the motion of Sir H. HARD INGE, the Army Pensions, to the amount of nearly three millions ster- ling, were voted away in a few minutes without any opposition, excepting from Mr. Hume and Mr. Ma- berly. Mr. HUME thought that the grant of £ 36,669 7s. Sd. for defraying the expenses of garrisons at home and abroad, for 1830, really deserved more considera- tion than he had ever been able to obtain for it: it was, in fact, one full of military sinecures. He had no wish to deprive the Government of the means of providing for old officers; but it was really too much to have governors, for instance, for such places as Carrickfergus. .;; Tuesday, March 9. JUDGE JEBB. Mr. O'CONNELL; after referring to a charge given to the Grand Jury by one of the Irish Judges, which was in opposition to the tenor of a proclamation issued by the Government, moved that there be laid before the House a memorial addressed to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, on the subject of certain prosecutions for murder, to be tried at the next Assizes for the county of Fermanagh. Lord F. L, GOWER objected to the production of such documents, unless some ground of suspicion were previously laid; to grant it, would imply a want of impartiality in. the Executive Government of Ireland, and the precedent would be liable to inconvenience and abuse. He hsard, with considerable regret, any thing like an insinuation against a member of the Bench of Ireland— Judge Jebh; and he felt bound to state, that were his own life in jeopardy on any charge, he should think he could not entrust it to any judge more safely than to that distinguished individual.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. PEEL thought it would be dangerous to set a precedent like that now attempted to be established. He protested against the production of a memorial. After a few words from Mr. O'CONNELL, and Mr. PEEL in reply, Mr. O'Connell withdrew his motion. After Returns and Accounts of various salaries had been moved for and ordered, Mr. ROBERT GOR- DON brought forward a resolution to establish a cor- rect principle upon which the half- pay of military offi- cers might in future be regulated. With respect to a great number of those now upon the half- pay list, he must be allQ\ y<? d to say that nothing could be more melancholy than the condition in which they were placed. T- hqjf were, for the most part, men of birth and education^ who had served their country for years — had lost th^ fr limbs and their health in that service, had spent their property in endeavouring to attain that rank in the army which they had attained, and which left them now without the means of maintaining their station in society. Struggling against difficulties such as these, they still could have no just ground of com- plaint, if the small amount of their stipend arose from the real necessities of the country; but when they saw other military men, not more deserving than themselves, in possession of civil offices and full pay; with such things before their eyes, it would be no matter of sur- prise that they should be discontented.— fair and equal justice ought to be granted them, and that in the dis- tribution of emoluments, no difference should be made between the weak and the powerful. He hoped too, that in meeting his resolution, no nice distinctions should be set up between officers holding elevated rank or subordinate. He then moved, as an amend- ment to the motion for receiving the Report of the Committee of gupply, the following resolution:—- " That it is the opinion of this House, that as certain regulations are in force by which Half- pay Officers of the Navy, Army, Ordnance, or Marines, are prevent- ed from receiving the whole or part of their half- pay during the period they may enjoy the emoluments of any civil office, it is expedient and just that the same regulations shall extend to all Officers of the Army, Navy, Ordnance, or Marines, in the receipt of full pay, or of profit from Naval or Military allowances, or from emoluments frojn Naval or Military appointments," Sir HENRY HARDINGE opposed the motion, on the grounds that the present system had so long been established and sanctioned by precedent, that any de- parture from it would be a hardship to many deservino- individuals. Mr. C. WOOD briefly supported the motion. Sir F. I1URDETT said a few words against the motion. He was quite aware . of the necessity of en- couraging the Ministers to practise that economy which was now required by the country, but he could not consent to urge that economy at the expense of individuals. After some discussion, in the course of which Lord Althorp and Lord Howick accused the Hon. Member for Westminster of encouraging the Government in their extravagance, the amendment of Mr. Gordon was, by the leave of the House, withdrawn. The Report was then brought up, and, after some opposition from Mr. Hume, the original resolutions were agreed to. STATE OF THE POOR. Mr. W. HORTON then rose to make his pro- mised motion for a Committee of the whole House to inquire into the causes of the distress among the poorer classes of the country. The Hon. Member commenced by observing that he preferred moving for a Committee of the whole House, rather than a Select Committee, because he thought it would be more satisfactory to the sufferers to hear the course of the proceedings as they occurred, and the nature of the evidence offered in their favour, than if the subject was to be examined in the usual manner by a Com- mittee especially appointed for the purpose. After noticing the Bills which had been introduced without success, for the purpose of establishing a better regu- lation of the Poor Laws, he proceeded to offer a few suggestions. Without entering into the consideration of the mode of levying the J) oor rates, the first sug- gestion which he would take the liberty of throwing out upon the subject was, Jhat in the accounts of every parish the sums paid to the helpless poor should be kept separate from the sums paid to the third class which he had described, or the pauper poor. By such a regulation, they would obtain an account of the redundant labouring population. His next suggestion would be to empower purishes to employ the able- bodied poor in concentrated labour, instead of employing them in their separate parishes. It ap- peared to him, that in many instances labour, which afforded no return when employed in separate parishes, would be productive, if the labour of several parishes were concentrated. Another suggestion would be to frame some regulations for restricting the erection of cottages in parishes where it was shewn that a great redundancy of labour existed. A check of this descrip- tion would be most advantageous. He was also de- cidedly of opinion, that to give the able- bodied poor, the natural labourers of the country, a small quantitv of ground for their own cultivation, would be attend- ed with highly beneficial consequences.—( Hear, hear.) He had, as might easily be supposed, received nume- rous letters and other communications, anonymous and otherwise, on the subject to which he had paid so much attention; and among them one from an en- lightened individual, a man of the highest possible character, who, speaking of his own neighbourhood, stated that a strong desire for emigration prevailed, that the labouring population were sinking with an accelerating velocity into the jaws of pauperism, and that the funds of the parish were insufficient to reme- dy the evil; or, to use his own forcible expression, " to relieve the wretchedness of the labouring popu lation, breeding and starving in a paroxysm of hope- lessness and fatuity." The state of Ireland afforded a sufficient proof of the evils which resulted to the labouring classes from the absence of all check on the increase of population. The existence of a state of the most wretched pauperism was not in itself a check on that increase. This was clearly established in Mr. Barton's letter, to which he had already referred. Mr. Hodges, a gentleman from Kent, who gave evi- dence before the Emigration Committee, said that in proportion as the labouring population became more miserably poor, they becortie more reckless, and mar ried at ail early age, without the slightest regard to any consequences. This was a fact established by experience, and by communications from other quar- ters. He ( Mr. Horton) was one of those who thought that if the Poor Laws were properly regu- lated, they would be very beneficial. He conceived that the existence of judicious Poor Laws, indicated a high state of civilization in any country. But of this he was certain, that a country in which there was a free circulation of labour, as well as of other commodities, must be everywhere under the same law respecting the poor. If twenty counties were without a poor law, and twenty counties were with one, that would be productive of great evil. For his part he could see no reason why, now that our union with Ireland was cemented, the interposition of the ocean should prevent Ireland from having the same poor law as England. But he should be very sorry to see the poor laws inflicted on Ireland, unless she possessed the means of getting rid of her redundant labouring population. The object of the Legislature ought to be to distinguish between that class of the population which lived upon the produce of the la- bour provided by private employers, and that class which lived upon other sources. If they wanted to introduce a prudent and effective check to increasing population, they must make a substantive distinction between the two classes which he had described,— The labouring classes must be taught to feel the dis- grace of pauperism, and they would then anxiously avoid it. At present no such anxiety existed. Until it revived, every effort would be hopeless, It was impossible to consider the situation of the poor in this country, without adverting to the effect produced by the influx of the Irish poor. He by no means intended to say that the Irish poor ought not to he allowed to come over to this country. But the pota- toe of Ireland was one of the substantial causes of the increase of population in that country -( A laugh.) This potatoe- fed population came over to tliis country to enter into competition with our labouring poor, bpcause there was no law in Ireland calling on the rich, under any circumstances, to provide for the poor. So little were the poor of Ireland relieved'^ the rich of Ireland, that whenever there was a failure SUPPLEMENT TO. THE NEWRY EXAMINER. in the potatoe crop of Ireland, exposing the poor of that country to starvation, English benevolence always extended its assistance to them. Thus, however, a bonus was given to the increase of distress in both countries. All he asked was the extension to Ireland of the laws on the subject which were established in Great Britain; and then the potatoe- fed population of Ireland would prove beneficial to the empire. He wished he could see an attempt made to separate the pauper population from the labouring population of Ireland. The report of the Committee of 1825, stated, that of the former class no fewer than a mil- lion were strolling over the country. It would be a most beneficial policy to introduce into Ireland a Na- tional Mendicity Association. The reports of such an Association would distinctly exhibit the amount of the redundant population of Ireland. Until that was ascertained,- all legislative proceedings respecting the poor would be premature. If it should be afterwards found, on experiment, that the redundant population might be advantageously employed at home, after the example of the Dutch, let that be tried. If, on the other hand, itsliouldappear that the advantage of the commu- nity would be more promoted by national colonization, some plan for carrying that colonization into benefi- cial effect should be devised. All he contended for was, that something must be done to put an end to a system which, if not checked, would multiply misery to an indefinite extent. Until, however, the day arrived when the labouring classes of the com- munity should be convinced of the truth of what he had stated, and that the misery of their present situa- tion, proceeding from redundancy, could be removed only by removal, he was convinced that the Repre- sentative Body could never take any salutary step.— He therefore called on the intelligent part of that class of the community, or the labourers and mechanics who had received the benefits of education, and who were competent to the consideration, to investigate the subject, and to determine if there was not truth in his statement, and where the number of the popu- lation were redundant, no legislative measure, no re- mission of taxes, or any other proceeding would ef- fectually put down pauperism. In 1820, a small ex- periment had been tried at Manchester. In the year 1825, the population of that town, 200,000 in num- ber, was in a state of the greatest possible distress. The richer inhabitants determined to give work to all, at low wages. He had been told by an intelligent individual, that many persons supposed that there was a redundant population, others that there was no redundant population; but nothing certain was established oil that point. The people were put to work, however— they were taken back into general demand us they were required, and at no very distant period they were all absorbed. No one could deny that there was a great difference between the condi- tion of the agricultural and the condition of the ma- nufacturing population; and that whereas the demand or manual labour required in the former diminished, the demand for manual labour required in the latter increased. In agriculture the improved processes had occasioned a greater produce with less manual labour; but in manufactures the improvement of machinery, were it not for the introduction of Irish labourers, would have greatly increased the demand for, and bet- tered the condition of the workmen. For the last thirty years, however, the latter had been kept down by the influx from Ireland. After some observations on the subject of the currency, the Right Hon. Gen- tleman said that it was impossible that any remission of taxes could materially affect the situation of the paupers. Those who had to dispense charity might certainly by a remission of taxes have their means of doing so increased; but those who were to be main- tained out of that charity— in other words, the re- dundant labouring population—- must be benefitted to a very small degree by the remission of taxation, since it would not increase the amount of employ- ment. He alluded especially to this part of the sub- ject, because it had been said that the remission of the Malt and Beer Tax would do the pauper popular tion good. It was impossible to do that portion of our population good while it remained ill a state of pauperism, because its existence involved a constant competition among the labouring population. The remission of taxation could not reach those who were in a state of actual pauperism, and a large class, both in this country and in Ireland, were approximating to that class. All he was anxious for was to excite at- tention to the state of pauperism. If any doubt re- mained on the minds of the Hon. Members, of the soundness of the doctrines which he had laid down, inquiry WOHM convince them that the doubt was un- founded. If he were successful in his motion, and were allowed to bring the subject before a Commit- tee, the propositions which he should should be pre- pared to maintain, and which he would endeavour to prove, would be as follows :— " 1 That the sums raised and applied for the relief of thepoorin Englandand Wales, though mainly bearingon one particular class of the community— viz. the landed interest— ought to be considered, after the deduction of that portion which would otherwise be paid as wages, as much in the nature of a tax as any of those taxes w hich are to be found in the balance- sheet of the revenue and expenditure of the country. " 2, That if a pauper population, for whose labour there is no real demand, can be prosperously colonized ( with'their own consent) at a less expense than would be necessary to be incurred for their maintenance in the mother country, a national outlay for the purpose of such colonization ought to be considered as an economy rather than as an expense. " 3. That if a redundant population were removed by a national effort of cofonization, there would be but little danger to be apprehended from what is called ' the filling up of the vacuum. 1 " 4. That if the United Kingdom were relieved from its redundant labourers— that is, those labourers for whose labour no real and natural demand exists in society— the remaining labourers might permanently remain in a state of comparative comfort and independence. " 5. That it is expedient to effect such reparation and abstraction of forced from unforced labour as would accu- , rate'. y measure the extent of the redundancy. " ii. That to enable parishes to raise money upon mort- gage of their poor- rates for a period of years— such capi- tal being specifically applied towards the emigration of voluntary candidates who may prefer independence in the colonies to pauperism at home— would be a measure high- ly favourable to the landed interest. ' 7. That in event of home colonization, the ratio of danger as to the filling up of the vacuum, must be double as compared with foreign colonization. " 8. That if the vacuum were to be filled up, the policy of a measure of colonization must be governed by a com- parison of the increment of the expense of maintaining tile new pauper population, with the decrement of the expense of maintaining the new removed population, sup- posing them to have remained at home. 9. That there are no means of producing wealth more effective than the combination of an able- bodied popula- tion, with uncultivated land of the first degee of fertility. " 10. That, independently of the special advantage to the landed interest, and to the labouring classes, the ex- penditure involved in such a measure of colonisation, would not be, in any degree, prejudicial to other classes possessing property in society. " 11. That a pauper, while he continues a pauper, re- ceives necessarily only a bare subistence, he can neither suffer From taxation, nor be relieved by its remission. " 12. That the application of any portion of surplus revenue for the purpose of raising a capital to be applied in the first instance iu the home employment, and second- ly, in the colonization of the poor, would be more bene- ficial to the labouring classes of the community, than if the same sum were applied to the reduction of public debt, or in the remission of any class of taxes to the same amount." An examination would enable him to convince the House that what he had stated was the fact; and then only, when the House were really disposed to make the experiment, would they be affording substantial relief to the labouring and suffering classes of the coun- try. He" begged to offer to the House his best thanks for the attention with which they had heard him, and he would now no farther trouble them than by quot- ing an aphorism of Lord Bacon, who was the enemy of colonization in general, but whom he considered the best defender of the principle which he had endea- voured to recommend to the House. Lord Bacon had said, " Things will alter for the worse spontane- ously, if they are not remedied decidedly; and then who can say what will be the end of the evil ?" In the same manner he would say, that if things were not altered speedily and decidedly, they would go on getting worse spontaneously, and there would be no end of the evil. The population would be unemploy- ed— distress would increase; and if a year passed on without Members being' convinced of the truth of what he had said, the period would arrive when they would see there was no other measure could reach the intensity of the evil, and then they would feel the mortification of disappointment, until opinion univer- 6 illy pointed us to the true remedy— to that which he had endeavoured, though imperfectly to describe. After some discussion, in the course of which Sir G. Murray expressed himself favourable to the princi- ple of emigration, Mr. Horton withdrew his mo- tion at the suggestion of Sir Francis Burdett, who said that it would be better for his Right Hon. Friend to bring in a bill to carry his intentions into effect. The ATTORNEY- GENERAL moved for leave to bring " in a Bill for the more effectual administra- tion of justice in England and in the principality of Wales.''' The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at three o'clock. Wednesday, March 10. Petitions were presented from Waterford, Belfast; & e. on the Subject of the leather tax. PORTUGAL. Lord PALMERSTON rose to bring forward his motion for further papers respecting the course pur- sued by this country towards Portugal. If papers were produced at all, they ought to be complete.— The Ministers ought to deny them, or to give them their sanction, so that the case might be understood We had now for years been intimately concerned with the internal and external affairs of Portugal, and Eng- land had been so circumstanced as to have her inte- rests materially affected by the proceedings. It was therefore important that it should be shown that this ciuntry had acted correctly and justly,, that solemn contracts had not been violated. There had been a violent usurpation— indignity had been offered, even according to the confession of Ministers,. Europe had been strewed with the victims of that proceeding.— .( Hear.) It therefore became the House to inquire whether any blame attached to the Ministers. He knew there was considerable reluctance to enter upon Foreign affairs, while others were disposed to have unquestioned confidence in Ministers; but as nations ought to be as anxious for respect a. s individuals, it became them to see that nothing on the part of the Government was done to diminish that respect. He. therefore, trusted that the House would arouse from the apathy which had too long characterized its atten- tion to Foreign affairs. The Ministers said that Don Miguel had broken faith, and had personally in- sulted our Sovereign. That he was treacherous, cruel, and cowardly, but that our principle ought to be non. interference. But, as to neutrality towards Portugal, however right it might be towards other, countries, it was contrary to the course that had ever peen pursued, and it contradicted all the records of history. That was a course that we could not pursue. As to the efforts to give the country of Portugal a free Consti- tution, that might be very proper, but it was clear that England had not endeavoured to force a free Constitution. The dates proved that fact. When Napoleon was to be dethroned, the Sovereigns of Eu- rope appealed to the People in the sacred names of Liberty and free Constitutions; and the Sovereigns of Europe found responsive feelings vibrating in the breasts of the People; but when their objects were achieved, the Sovereigns forgot their promises, and gave another proof how different often are promises iroin the performance of Sovereigns. The forgetful- ness of the Sovereigns caused that sUllenness which afterwards characterized the people for many years af- ter the dethronement of Buonaparte. To Portugal, amongst other places, such a promise was made, and after various struggles, a Constitution Was sent from Don Pedro, at Brazil, to Portugal.,^ was brought by an Englishman accordingly, and, no doubt, it was prepared by, tile intelligence of an English Nobleman. That did not pledge the Government of England; but England, however, on being asked what was to be done, advised its acceptance. In the correspond- ence and documents that had been produced, it did not appear whether England, at the Congress of Vienna, had pressed on Don Miguel the acceptance of the Constitution, and whether he did not come to England in his way to accept that Constitution, he should not move for papers on these points, being quite satisfied with what the papers produced, shewed on the inteference to be drawn from them. Then there were the Protocols, in which Don Miguel un- dertook, though, after great difficulties, to govern Portugal according to the principles of the New Con- stitution. Englandbeing a party of these transactions, she was bound to see that the engagements were ful- filled— engagements which had led thousands of Por- tuguese to trust their lives and fortunes to the new state of things. Don Miguel came to England. Was he brought here to be shown, or did he come to com- plete the arrangements ? Were any oaths adminis- tered ? Or were any Protocols signed here ?— it was notorious that there were— why then were they not produced ? The troops were not withdrawn at the request of Don Miguel, until the succession should be settled. England had interfered to a great extent — hadbeenpartytothe separation of Brazils from Portu- gal— had been party to negotiating aloan for him, and various acts; and yet " non- interference" not oidy was, but had been the policy of England. From this pe- riod the papers produced were very unsatisfactory.— There were accounts of fetes, of military shews, but theylookedin vain forany account of those remonstrances to which allusion had been made in a speech from the Throne. What were they ? That they had been made was admitted, then they ought to be produced, our national honour was concerned in the event, and, therefore, they ought to be required. He should move for their production. The delay of our troops there, as events turned out, assisted Don Miguel to carry his views into effect— he was a party to such detension, and should so act again with his then views, but the detension of the troops'certainly had assisted Don Mi- guel to carry into effect his usurpation. He should move for various papers on these topics, the corre- spondence with Counts Barbecena and Palmella, re- specting the recognit'on of Donna Maria, who was re cognised as Queen in this country on various occa- sions. He should also ask for documents as to the recognition of Don Miguel now hinted at. The honour of England requested that all these matters should be placed in their true light, to show that the honour of England had not been in any way tarnished in these transactions. As to non- interference with the affairs of Portugal, there was a fatality about thein that drew England into interference in such affairs, as irresistibly as the moth was attached to the lighted candle. That being the case, they were bound to see that the honour of England was not compromised. He had hoped that the Ministers would, of their own ac- cord, have produced the papers; but as they had not, it became his duty to move for them. In 1827 the marriage of Donna Maria was the basis of the negoci- ation to secure the succession and peace, but after the injuries which had been committed, the cruelties to all, without distinction of age, sex, or station, who would recommend the marriage now '? However the marriage had been proposed, and as the basis of the negociation, Don Miguel was to have the Throne, oil condition that he married Donna Maria, and that there should be issue of such marriage; then the marriage not having taken place, saying nothing about issue, how could it be contended that Miguel was entitled to thehonour; another stipulation was, in the event of their issue not having the succession should pass to the Royal branch. The marriage not having taken place, he re- peated that Don Miguel could not have the right to the throne, though it was intimated that England would recognise Don Miguel; he thought what had happened at Terceira, and in the Brazils, would make our Ministers pause, before they adopted any such step. As to the non- interference and the conduct of Eng- land, was likely to keep us out of war, he proved it would have a contrary effect.—( Cheers.) If he were asked what had now been the result of our conduct, he would say, that in regard to Portugal, constitution- i l freedom was destroyed. ( Cheers.) He concluded with moving for the various papers. L ord John Russell, Lord Morpeth, Mr. Davenport, and Sir Francis Burdett, supported the motion. Mr. Calcraft and Colonel Beresford opposed it. Mr. PEEL contended that it was for the interest of the country not to involve ourselves in war, unless for some great and permanent consideration. He maintained that if his Majesty's Government had failed- to enforce their legal claims on Don Miguel, the Noble Lord ( Palmerston) and his friends were equally implicated in such failure; for the period when the execution of such engagements could have been most effectually compelled, was when his Noble Friend himself held office under the crown. He denied that Mr. Canning had ever admitted that he was respon- sible for the establishment of the Charter in Portu- gal. With regard to the Protocol of Vienna, it was not a fact that Lord Cowley ever engaged to see that Don Miguel should perform the engagements into which he had entered towards his brother and countrymen. He entered into a lengthened defence of the " course pursued by his Majesty's Government with regard to Portugal. He denied that the papers produced upon the subject were garbled extracts. He gave the most positive denial to the assertion, that his Majesty's Ministers had insisted that Don Pedro should give his daughter in marriage to Don Miguel. Mr. HUSKISSON addressed the House at con- siderable length, for the purpose of showing that our foreign' policy had altered for the worse since the death of Mr. Canning. The Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amidst loud cries of " Question." Mr. Peel explained, and Lord Palmerston briefly replied. For the Motion, 73 | Against it, 150 Majority against the Motion, - 77 Thursday, March 11. THE POOR OF IRELAND. Mr. SPUING. RICE brought forward his motion on the subject of the labouring poor of Ireland. After some prefatory remarks, the Hon. Member proceeded to notice the vast sums that were expended by private bounty on the various charitable institutions in Ire- land. He next adverted to the plan of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Wicklow, who proposes to make a compulsory rate for the whole country. This princi- ple ought, therefore, in the first instance, to be dis- cussed. Before they extended houses of industry, they ought to ascertain whether they had, on the whole, di- minished or added to the sum of human misery. The experiment had already been tried on a large scale, and the illustration involved no question of local ex- penses. The experiment of a poor rate for the House of Industry at Dublin had been tried on the largest possible scale, and its effects ought to bo known be- fore they introduced the poor laws in Ireland. It made no difference that the rate had come out of the pockets of the people of England, as far as its effect on the people of Ireland was concerned. Since the Union a sum had been voted for that establish- ment amounting to £ 803,000; and among the esti- mates then on the table, there was, he believed, an additional grant for it. The effects had been ascer- tained by an inquiry instituted by Mr. Grant, and Mr. Secretary Peel, when they held office ill Ireland, and the report made to them shewed that that House of Industry had totally failed in its object' of suppressing mendicity, and, in its effects, had augmented, by bring- ing destitute people in from the country, the number of poor in Dublin. Establishments supported at the public charge could not be kept free from local abuses. He thought Dr. Franklin's opinion was a wise one— that the more the law did for the poor the less they would do for themselves; and the less there was done for them by the law the richer they would become. It was proposed by many gentlemen to introduce the English poor laws in Ireland; but while they pro- posed this, they were not contented with the poor laws in England. Since the passing of the 43d of Elizabeth, there had been an uninterrupted series of attempts to depart from the principle of that Act, or to amend the poor laws. He was not aware by what alchamy the English gentlemen were to transfer all the gold of this system to Ireland, without any of that alloy they complained of. He should like to see the English poor laws first of all adapted to the state of England, and the improvements in them carried into practice h » re before they were extended to Ireland. Not to refer to the more ancient attempts which had been made to improve these laws, he would merely mention the names of Mr. Pitt, Mr. Sturges Bourne, the present Attorney- General, Mr. Nolan, and the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury, as gentlemen who had tried to amend the English poor laws, and had not succeeded. He was sorry that the 11m. Member for Newark was not in his place, particularly as he had great respect for him, and conceived that Ireland was much indebted to him for the attention he had paid to its interests. He admitted, with the Hon. Member for Newark, that there was a great want of employment, but he differed from him in supposing that the poor laws would provide a remedy against the evil. On what principle could it be said that introducing poor laws into Ireland would add to the employment of the people ? The demand for labour depended on the quantity of capital; and how was that to be aug- mented by poor laws ? They would only take funds from the occupiers of land to transfer them to the paupers— they would take money out of the pocket of one man to put it into another. A poor rate would diminish capital and lessen the employ- ment of the poor.—( Hear.) He wished to give em- ployment to the labourer; but a poors' rate only takes money out of the pocket of one man to transfer it to the poekct of another.—( Hear.) The adoption of such a system would only render labour more dispro- portionate than it is at present to the capital of the country. The poor laws would make the supply of labour greater in relation to capital than at present; for though the absolute wealth of the country had in- creased very much, the relative condition of the la- bourer had not been improved. He would like to know whether, in giving poor laws to Ireland, it was intended to pay wages out of the poor rates as in England. (" No!" was replied by General Gascoyne.) He was glad to hear that " No;" and he should after- wards apply it; but if they did not apply the poor rates to pay the wages of labour, how were they to increase the demand for labour ? He should like to know, however, what was to be done. It was said thatfrreat advantages would result to Ireland from in- troducing the poor laws into that countiy; but he wished to know in what shape they were to be intro- duced. They were promised the greatest possible ad- vantages, but not shown how they could be obtained. To support his view, he would quote an able pam- phlet, written by a friend of his, an English gentle- man, which might perhaps recommend' it to some of the Members— a gentleman whom he would be glad to see in that House— he meant a pamphlet on the poor laws in Ireland, written by Sir John Walsh. He says, " that the Irish must maintain their own poor, and something must be done. Now I protest most strongly against this indefinite something. It seems to spurs us blindly upon a course of action, and to oblige us to move before we see our way." , AK there was no definite plan yet laid down, he would ask, when the poor rates were introduced, were they to be coupled with the law of settlement ? If that were the case, the result would be, to maHe litigation in every parish; and whatever extent of good the poor laws might confer, would be more than balanced by the great evils of the law of settlement. He had the authority of the very able author of the letter to Mr. Canning on Select Vestries, to say that the law of settlement was a part of the poor laws; and that, without it, those fthvs could uot be carried into effect. [ The Hon. Member read a short passage to this effect from the pamphlet he mentioned.] The law of set- tlement, then, was to be considered an essential part of this system, and the source of mischief which could not be avoided. Mr. Pitt, in 1796, stated that the law of settlement was to be mistrusted. He said, in : the words of Mr. Pitt, mistrust the law of settlement as a source of mischief. He wished gentlemen to re- flect also on the means by which they proposed to carry the poor laws into effect. Did the parishes of Ireland, particularly the remote parishes, possess the means of providing overseers, churchwardens, and per- sons who would be responsible for the money, and who had intelligence and skill to apply it ? He be- lieved not; and some gentlemen recommended poor laws as a means of inducing absentees to return to Ireland! But who were the absentees— who were the ( For continuation of Parliamentary intelligence, ace regular sheet. J NEWRY EXAMINER. 11 ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. COUNTY OF MONAGHAN ASSIZES. CROWN COURT. Monaghan, 15th March. The Hon. Justices JOHNSTON and MOORE entered town, this morning, at 10 o'clock, from Lord Blay- ney's, of Castleblayney, where, we learn, they had passed thr,^,> revious day ( Sunday.) They were es- corted by a body of the 6th, or Enniskillen Dragoons. At a quarter past 11, Judge MOORE, accompanied l> y the High Sheriff, JAMES HAMILTON, Esq., of Corney Castle, arrived at the Court- House, when Mr. BOURNE, Clerk of the Crown, having read the Commission, the Grand Jury Panel was called over, aud the following Gentlemen sworn as Grand Jurors : EDWARD LUCAS, Foreman : John Madden, Esq., Hon. R. Westenra, George Foster, Esq., Dacre Hamilton, Esq., Alex. X. Montgomery Esq., William Tennison, Esq., Robert Lucas, Esq., Edward Richardson, Esq., William Forster, Esq., James Wood Wright, Esq., Thomas C. Graham, Esq., Henry Mitchell, A. O'B. Bellingham, Esq., Richard Mayne, Esg., Arthur G. Lewis, Esq., Alex. Montgomery, Esq., William Hamilton, Esq., William Murdock, Esq., Roger Anketell, Esq., John Johnston, Esq., James Roose, Esq., Nicholas Ellis, Esq. His Lordship, in addressing the Grand Jury, said he was happy to be enabled to observe to them that there was nothing on the calendar which required from him any particular comment; but although there were no crimes of an atrocious character, neverthe- less it was incumbent that they should use their ac- customed diligence in getting through the business of the County; on that account, therefore, he would not detain them much longer. He had to present to them the usual demand for the support of the Luna- tic Asylum, accompanied with the necessary certifi- cate, as also that for the expenses of the Constabu- lary. Having done so, he had merely to add, that lie was furnished with an application concerning the Bridewell of Carrickmacross, which was represented by the Inspector- General of Gaols as being altogether unfitted for the reception of prisoners. A sum of .£ 500 had, he understood, been presented, some time ago, by a former Jury ; this sum, it was now stated, was inadequate to perform the work specified; and, consequently, without a further advance, Govern- ment would not grant them the ordinary allowances. The application, to which he had above alluded, stated that the Castleblayney Bridewell had cost £ 900: £ 800 being presented by the County, together with a liberal donation of £ 100 from Lord Blayney. The applicants, in the present case, sought for £ 300 more, in addition to the £ 500 already presented. It was for the Gentlemen composing the Grand Jury to de- termine, from their local knowledge of the County, whether it was a necessary expenditure. He himself had been told that, from the contiguity of Castleblay- ney ( where there were a regular Court- House and Bridefrell,) it was quite uncalled for. Mr. Lucas ( Foreman of the Grand Jury) begged leave to remark that, about a year and a- half ago, the then Grand Jury had presented £ 500 for the purpose of making the Bridewell of Carriekmacross suffici- ently secure; it was their impression, at that times that this sum was quite sufficient to do all that was required, as it was merely necessary to have a lock- up place for persons who were incarcerated for a night or so. Colonel Madden observed that, according to Act of Parliament, it was necessary to have a Court- House and a Bridewell attached to each other. His Lordship having made some further observa- tions, which were inaudible, handed Mr. Lucas the application, and the Jury retired. Several cases of Petit Larceny were then disposed of. ARMAGH ASSIZES. CROWN COURT, MARCH 18. Judge JOHNSTON took his seat in this Court at a quarter before eleven this morning. The Commission having im read, and the Grand Panel called over, the following Gentlemen were sworn as Grand Jurors: Lord Viscount ACHESON, Foreman. Maxwell Close, Esq. Walter M'G. Bond, Esq. Roger Hall, Esq. Alex. Hamilton, Esq. W. Blacker, of Carrick, Esq. James Johnston, Esq. John Whaloy, Esq. Joseph Atkinson, Esq. Acheson St. Georee, Esq. Robert Harden, Esq. PoweU Foxall, Esq. William Lottie, Esq. Arthur I. Kelly, Esq. W. Blacker, of Armagh, Esq. W. W. Algeo, Esq. William Reed, Esq. A. A. Bernard, Esq. John Hardy, Esq. Arthur Irwin, Esq. Edward Turner, Esq. Thomas G. Henry, Esq. Henry L. Prentice, Esq. His Lordship briefly addressed the Grand Jury, in reference to the calendar, which, he observed, though heavy, as usual, was not marked by any crimes of an aggravated nature. He directed their attention to a document from the Inspector- General of Gaols, re- commending the building of a new Bridewell in New- tonhamilton; and to another, which he considered an extremely valuable one, as it pointed out a plan for the regular employment of the prisoners. He con- cluded by expressing a wish that they would get through the ordinary business of the County by Satur- day, as he would otherwise be obliged to stop until Monday— a delay which might be attended with con- siderable inconvenience to themselves. [ The business of the Crown Court was neither im- portant nor interesting.] RECORD COURT, THURSDAY, MARCH 18. ASSAULT AND FALSE IMPRISONMENT. Before Mr. Justice MOORE, and the following respect- able Jury: James Brown Boyd, William Cardwell, Harnett M'Kee, William Hutchinson, George Walker, Thomas Siunamon, William Murray, Taggart v. Turner. This action was brought by Mr. Taggart, Collector for the Police Commissioners of Newry, against Mr. Turner, a gentleman of pro- perty residing in the suburbs of that town, for as- sault and false imprisonment. The damages were laid at £ 100. Mr. PERRIN, as Counsel for the plaintiff, stated the case. My Lord, and Gentlemen of the Jury,— I am in this case Counsel for the plaintiff, Mr. Tag- gart, a respectable shopkeeper in Newry, who holds Robert Cochran, sen. Thomas Kidd, Robert M'Bride, Robert Cochran, jun. Robert Hardy, Esqrs. the situation of Collector for the Commissioners ap- pointed in that town, under the act passed in the 9th year of his present Majesty's reign, for enabling the inhabitants of any city, town, or borough, to adopt what regulations they may conceive best conducive to the proper lighting and cleansing of the streets.— Those who know Newry, must be aware that no town in the empire stood in more need of the advantages given by the provision of a Bill of this kind. The discreditable state of the Police regulations, or rather the want of any adequate regulations for the lighting, cleansing, and watching of the town, had long been proverbial, and a bye- word of reproach to the inhabi- tants. For some time local dissentions defeated every attempt to remedy the evil. A Bill had been ill pro- gress ; but some objected to it as calculated to give an undue influence to Lord Kilmorey; and certainly if they conceived such to be the tendency of the Bill, they had a right to oppose, and were only in their duty when they did so. Owing to this and some other circumstances, so many accidents occurred, that Newry remained in a state most discreditable to a commercial town, until a Bill was brought into Parliament, which his Majesty's Government approved of so much, that they thought proper to make it general, and en- able the inhabitants of any city, town, or borough, when the majority wished it, to make application to the Lord Lieutenant, to enable them to avail them' selves of the Provisions of the Act. It is not neces- sary for me to detail all the Provisions of the Bill; suffice it to say, that it enables the Commissioners duly appointed to applot the cess according to the sup- posed value of the several tenements, and authorizes them to collect it. [ The learned Coimsel here read this section of the Act.] In case the sum is not paid, the Act authorizes the Commissioners- jor their Col- lector, to leave a written notice requiring? payment in 14 days. At the expiration of this term, the Col- lector is to call for the cess, and in case it is not then paid, he is authorized to leave a second notice de- manding payment before the expiration of three days. Should the cess not then be paid, he is empowered to obtain a warrant, and distrain for the amount of the demand. Shortly after the passing of this Act, the inhabitants of Newry took the most prompt steps to avail themselves of the provisions of the Bill} an application was made to the Lord Lieutenant; the neschal convened a meeting, and the resolutions were unanimously adopted by one of the most nume- rous assemblies ever known in Newry. Mr. Tur- ner, a gentleman of great respectability and con- siderable fortune, living within the borough of Newry, shewed so much interest in the mat- ter, that he took part in pointing out the particular place in which he wished a lamp to be put. This was at his own gate; and indeed I do not know any part of the town where the application of the Act would be more beneficial than that where the house of Mr. Turner is situated,— the part immediately ad- joining the canal, where so many fatal accidents have occurred. In the arrangements made by his fellow- townsmen, Mr. Turner at first cordially acquiesced. There was another gentleman, however, living in the immediate vicinity of Newry, who thought proper to demur. He thought, that his having a lawn before his door should exempt him from the tax, which the general convenience required to be laid on the less fa- voured part of the community, and that he was ex- empted from the cess on account of the superiority of his residence. This gentleman succeeded in persuad- ing Mr. Turner to adopt his view of the case; and, certainly, since the gentleman is so well able to bear the consequences, we, in our profession, have no rea- son to regret the matter. But, Gentlemen, the Com- missioners did think that it was rather hard, that be- cause Mr. Turner had a handsome lawn and a neat planting before his door, he should, though he reaped all the benefits of the Act, be exempted from the tax which public utility required from those who could not boast of such advantages in point of local situation. Several applications were made to Mr. Turner, but all were unavailing. A formal notice was, at length, drawn up by a professional person, and served upon him. Mr. Taggart, the collector, a householder, and a man of great respectability, was desired by the Com- missioners to serve Mr. Turner with this notice [ here the notice was read], demanding the assessment— five pounds— the assessment for the handsome house with the lawn. Mr. Tumer at that time stated no objection, though, under the law, there is a power of appeal. I understand that he has since made some notable objection, such as that the Seneschal is no magistrate, or that Newry is no borough— and per- haps it is not— and in the action for replevin which, it seems, Mr. Turner purposes bringing against the Commissioners, we may take your Lordship's opinion upon this subject; but this is an action for assault and false imprisonment brought by my client: it does not signify a straw how the matter between Mr. Turner and the Commissioners maybe settled; my client was in the execution of his duty, acting under the law; acting according to his instructions ; he was assaulted and made a prisoner of, and he is entitled to I substantial damages. When the time specified in the ! first notice had expired, Mr. Taggart waited upon Mr. Turner with the second, and very civilly told him that, if the assessment were not paid at the expiration of three days, he would be obliged to do his duty. Mr. Turner forgot his usual good nature ; and in return for Mr. Taggart's intimation, which was more a mat- ter of courtesy than any thing which the strict line of his duty required, he told him that he did not under- stand his coming, and that he would impound him and the person who accompanied him. Aye, and he kept his word— he did impound them just like cat- tle, damage feasant. " Surely, Sir," said Mr. Tag- giirt, " you are not serious:" but Mr. Turner soon let bim see that he was in earnest. He called some person in his employment, took Mr. Taggart into cus- tody, marched him down the hill, over the bridge, along the street, and up to the Session- house where the Magistrates were sitting, till Mr. Turner could follow him at his convenience. Mr. Tumer did fol- low him ; he made some complaint, but the result not being such as Mr. Turner wanted, he directed his newly appointed constable to bring his prisoner to the office of Mr. Smithson Corrv. Mr. Corry was not in his office, and so Mr. Taggart was marched back to the Session- house, thence to the house of Mr. Corry, and there detained till that gentleman c me home, who very properly declined having any thing to do with the matter. Mr. Taggart remonstrated, Mr. Turner desired him to give in bail: bail, for what? Why, gentlemen, Mr. Turner had just as much right to take Mr. Taggart into custody sis he has to arrest either you or me. I assert, and I speak under the correction of the learned Judge, who will set the matter right if I am wrong, that this arrest was as grossly illegal as it was grossly unjust. I will prove to you the illegality of this act, on Mr. Turner's own shewing. He has issued a replevin against the distress laid on by the Commissioners, and he had no right to empound the collector like a horse or a cow, damage feasant, when he was in the exercise of his duty, and obeying the directions of those who had been legally appointed to see the provisions of the Act carried into effect. The Commissioners may have exceeded the limits of their duty, and Mr. Turn- er has a right to bring an action against them ; but, gentlemen, he had no right to empound or imprison the collector. When a gentleman of fortune and re- spectability acts in such a manner, how can it be ex- pected that the inhabitants of an humble class, will submit to increase their own taxation, for the pur- pose of exonerating him from an assessment which has rather been underrated than otherwise ? But, gentle- men of the jury, leaving this altogether out of the question— leaving out of the question the legality of the Commissioners' conduct, Mr Turner had no right fo empound Mr Taggart, make him a prisoner, and march him about the streets; and I feel confident that you will shew by your verdict, that no gentleman, how high soever may be his rank, shall, with impuni- ty, treat a respectable shopkeeper of Newry in sueh a Arthur O'Hagan examined Knows plaintiff, who keeps a shop in Market- street; know s also the defendant; went in company with Taggart to Mr. Turner's house on 2d November ; saw Mr. T. ; Taggart served a notice upon him ; he ( Taggart) had previously asked for £ o Police Tax, which Mr. T. refused. ( Proved copy of notice.) Witness and Taggart went again to the house of defendant on the 20th November ; saw the defendant; plaintiff again asked for £ 5, which, being refused, he served defendant with another notice. ( Proved copy of this notice also.) Mr. T. said, " I thought I told you if you would come back again, I would prosecute you for trespass ;" Taggart replied, he was merely acting as the servant of the Commissioners, and wouli not take any violence. Mr. Turner said he would prosecute him, and called to his man, named Stokes; Stokes did not come, and witness and Taggart were walking away, when Mr. T. caught them both by the skirts of their coats, and said they should not go. Mr. T. again called Stokes, who came to him ; his master said, " take these men to any of the Magistrates in Newrry, with my com- pliments, to have them committed as trespassers on my grounds." On their way to town, Stokes met a Police- man, who told him the Magistrates were still sitting, it being Petit Sessions' day; they went to the Session- house and remained there till Mr. Turner came soon after; Mr. T. went on the Bench with the Magistrates ; Stokes refused to allow Taggart to go home to his own house for a little, but took them both away to Mr. S. Corry's office on the Canal Quay. Mr. Sj. C. was not at home, and Stokes brought them back again to the Session- House ; saw Mr. T. there; he said they would be obliged to give bail to take their trial at the Quarter Sessions, and that he had spoken to Mr. White aud Air. Corry, at the Bank- and they would take his bail. T « g- gart refused to give bail, on which Mr. T. said he had been with the Magistrates, and if they would not do their duty, he knew his remedy. Mr. Taggart reminded him he had been two hours in custody ; Stokes then let them go. . Cross- examined— Is a watchman, and acts occasionally as a witness for the Commissioners, since September last; does not know how many lamps there are between Dub- lin- bridge and Mr. Turner's house, hut there is one at Mr. Turner's gate. Admitted that there was another action pending, in witness's name, against the Defendant, and in which the present Plaintiff would be witness touch- ing the assault and imprisonment. John White, Esq. examined— Is a Magistrate of the County ; saw Defendant in the month of November ; he came to witness while sitting on the Bench at Petit Ses- sions, and said he called on him, as the nearest Magis- trate, with respect to two persons he had taken up for trespassing on his grounds; he said he had them in the custody oi his servant; he wanted witness to take his in- formations ; witness objected until he would consult a brother Magistrate, as the case was rather a novel one ; went with Defendant to the Bank to consult Mr. Trevor Corry ; witness and Mr. Corry, on learning the particu- lars, both expostulated with Mr. Turner, and advised him to take out a summons against the parties in the usual way. Cross- examined— Defendant grounded his application on a recent Act of Parliament, which he seemed to think authorised a conviction; did not recollect that Mr. C. told the Defendant to cause the persons in custody to give bail. Mr. Turner argued the matter with them for some time. Case closed for the Plaintiff. Mr. GILMOR—" Mr. Perrin has said a great deal about the Act for cleaning and lighting any city, bo- rough, or town, in Ireland ; but he has not produced a tittle of evidence to prove that the persons called Commissioners of Police in Newiy are acting under the provisions of this Act; and as no Evidence has been given on this subject, the only thing left for the considei ation of the jury is, whether the illegality of Mr. Turner's conduct ( if indeed there was any illegality in it) was owing to a wilful contravention of the law, or from an error in judgment. Mr. Turner conceived that the persons called Commissioners had not acted fairly. He considered they were making a demand which they had no right to make; and if ill opposition to what he deemed an unwarrantable exaction he has done any thing illegal— if he thought himself to be fairly acting under a recent Act of Parliament, I maintain, and I submit it to your Lordship, that the plaintiff cannot recover damages. It is not for me to contend that Mr. Turner acted strictly according to law : it is sufficient that he thought that he was acting according to law— acting within the statute— even supposing he was in error, he comes under the pro- tection of the Act, a section of which I shall now read to you. [ Here Mr. Gilmer read that part of the Act which has been made for the protection of those who, conceiving that they are acting completely according to law, transgress it unwittingly. The Judge said there was a material difference between a man's con- ception of the law and the law itself.] My Lord, I beg leave, with submission to your Lordship, to say, that Mr. Turner comes immediately under the provi- sions of the Act ( a section of which I have just read,) should it appear that his conduct has not been strictly i legal. The Act speaks of protection. A man acting ! strictly according to law requires no protection: the Act must then have reference to those who, whiie they are transgressing the law, think they are acting according to the statute. From the evident e which the plaintiff has produced, it appears that MI. Turner thought he was completely sanctioned by the law in the course which he took. It appears from the evidence brought forward on the opposite side, that Mr. Turner thought he was completely authorised in arresting the plaintiff. He gave the plaintiff fair warning the first time# the latter called on him, and, on the plaintiff's second coming with the notice; he reminded him of his having done so, on his second visit; and when he did arrest him for the trespass he merely sent his servant with him to the Session- house, which, certainly, was no very great coercion. When the Magistrates at the Petit Sessions demurred to do their duty, my client applied to Mr. White and Mr. Corry, to enforce what he con- ceived to be the law of the land. Can you then, for a moment, conceive that he did not think he was act- ing in a perfectly legal manner ? The evidence of O'Hagan proves that Mr. Turner was convinced that he was acting legally; and as O'Hagan is, as he said, by trade a witness, he, of course, must be a good one. You cannot, therefore, entertain a doubt, that Mr. Turner, bona fide, thought he was acting strictly ac cording to law. Consequently, if Mr. Turner comes under the protection of the Act, a part of which I have read : if he has acted illegally, he has mistaken the true interpretation of the law, and comcs under the protec- tion of the Act: if his conduct was regular, the present action cannot, of course, be sustained." The learned Judge said something expressive of dissent; and Mr. Holmes added, " Yes, my Lord— unless they can prove Mr. Turner is non compos mentis— a complete idiot— this defence is idle; but, my Lord, we lawyers are sometimes obliged to make points which are a dis- grace to the law." Verdict for the Plaintiff, £ 30 Da- mages— with 6d Costs. Toner v. Con-. This actifcn Was brought by the plaintiff to recover compensation in damages for the seduction of his daughter.— Verdjct for the plaintiff, £ 10 damages, and 6d. costs. M'Connell v. Turner. The plaintiff in this case was lately an hostler at Mr. Black's inn, in Newry. The action was brought against the defendant, a Solicitor in Newry, for exciting a dog, of the bull and terrier species, against the plaintiff. The allegation stated that the plaintiff was so much injured by the bite of the dog as to he prevented from following his occupation for thirteen weeks. Verdict for the plaintiff £ 20 damages with tjd. costs. FRIDAY, MARCH 19, BEFORE MR. JUSTICE MOORE, AND THE FOLLOWING RESPECTABLE JURY: John Johnston, Lurgan, William M* Williams, Armagh, George Greer, Lurgan, Thomas Cuppage, Silverwood, Denis Maguire, Newry, Joseph Hall Boyde, Lurgan, John Creery, Tanderagee, Adam Guy, Newry, Thos. H. Carleton, Fairview, John Stanley. Armavh, William Atkinson, Glenara, Hugh Kidd, Armagh, Esqrs. Peter Coyle, Plaintiff: Jonathan Seaver, and Arthur Adderley Bernard, Esqrs. Defendants. Mr. DOWELL O'REILLY opened the pleadings, and stated, that this was an action of Trespass on the case, vi et armis. The first Count of the Declaia- tion stated the breaking open, and entering the dwelling- house of the plaintiff, situated at She : n, near Fork- Hill, in this county, 011 the 10th of Sep- tember, 1828, by a party of the Constabulary, under the authority of a certain warrant, signed by the de- fendants, who are Magistrates, and carrying away goods to the value of £ 20. There were three other Counts varying the offence. Mr. PERRIN stated the plaintiff's case, and said that his client was a very poor man, a cottier, and who supported himself and family by the sweat of his brow. The defendants are gentlemen of property, and Magistrates of the County Armagh. Mr. P. said it was not his will to make any harsh observations on the conduct of the defendants; and knowing that Ma- gistrates had arduous duties to perform, they should not be annoyed without good cause, but if he was rightly informed, he would get justice done to his cli- ent from the gentlemen whom he had the honour of addressing. He then went on to state the connexion between the plaintiff and a person of the flame of Grafton, from whom he rented land. This individual, to gratify vindictive feelings, had recourse to a sta- tute, of the existence of which neither he ( Mr. Perrin), nor, he believed, any of his learned brethren were aware— an oldstatute, which imposes a fine of £ 10 upon any person having unregistered fire- arms in their pos- session. Grafton, who it appears is a common barriter, charged with various offences, and notorious as a bad character, made a complaint to Mr. Seaver and Mr. Bernard, of my client's having an unregistered pistol in his house; and according to the view which these learned Magistrates had, the plaintiff came under the operations of this obselete act. Now the fact was, that Coyle's son, a mere boy, had got an old pistol from one of his neighbours in payment of some tri- fling debt. It did not follow, however, that his father knew any thing of this; but 110 sooner did he become acquainted with the fact, and the complaint that was laid against him, than he went to Colonel Ogle, the nearest Magistrate, and gave up the pistol. Having received a summons to attend a petit Sessions at Meigh, near Newry, my client went there, and ex- plained the circumstances of the case. Colonel Ogle was upon the bench, and that respectable Magistrate vouched for what Covle had said; Coyle was dismis- sed, and he left the place under the impression that the whole matter was finally adjusted. The learned Counsel here commented upon the severity and in- justice of fining so poor a man in the penalty of ten pounds, for so frivolous an offence, even had the charge been proved. But, gentlemen, continued he, the charge was not proved; and had a judgment been pronounced, it ought to have been intimated to the plaintiff, that he might have had recourse to his right of appeal. No such intimation was given. This occur- red in the month of October, 1817 ; for a long time nothing more was heard about the matter, and the plaintiff had almost let it pass from his mind, when, to his astonishment and dismay, on the 10th September, 1828, nearly 12 months afterwards, just as he had got his little oats off the ground, the Constabulary 1 2 THE NEWRY EXAMINER. came to his house, armed with a warrant of the de- fendants', seized and carried away the little furniture of my client, which consisted of a few stools, an old truckle bedstead, an old blanket or two, a few nog- gins, a pair of hackles, and a spade and shovel,— the implements with which this poor man earned a liveli- hood for himself and family. These, together with the little oats, were put under seizure; the defendants selected their time for harrassing this unfortunate ob- ject of their displeasure; they waited until his crop was'off the ground, and then they pounced upon him. [ Here the warrant, dated 14th May, 1828, was read. After commenting upon the injustice and illegality of holding the execution of it over so long, Mr. Perrin continued.] It was the duty of the Magistrates, when they make a conviction, to give a return of it to the Quarter Sessions; but on the whole of the defendants' conduct in this transaction, their procedure was as il- legal as it was unjust. Coyle, upon the seizure of his goods, immediately went to Colonel Ogle, the Ma- gistrate who presided when the charge was made against him, and to whom he had given up the pistol. Colonel Ogle was no less surprized than the plaintiff, and seeing the hardship of the case, he advised the plaintiff to endeavour to pay the amount of the pen- alty, and lodge an appeal to the Quarter Sessions, which he accordingly did; but on his applying for a copy of tbe conviction, to enable him to lodge an ap- peal, he found that no conviction had been made out, nor was there any lodged with the Clerk of the Peace lip to the 21st October, 1828, as will appear by Mr. M'Kinstry's certificate, which is dated that day.— Meanwhile the poor man's furniture, the provisions for his. family, and the implements by which he earn- ed a scanty support for his wife and children, were under seizure; the furniture was removed to Grafton's house, and the whole would have been sold at once, had it not been for the interference of a neighbouring gen- tleman. A few days afterwards the sum of £ 10 ster- ling was levied, and paid over to the defendants.— [ Mr. Perrin then commented, in a very ingenious man- ner, on what he termed a pseudo conviction, which, he said, in point of fact and law, was no conviction at all, as it had evidently been manufactured for the present occasion, having been received only a few days previous, by the Clerk of the Peace.] Gentlemen, were that conviction as correct in every respect as it is illegal, it would avail tlie defendants nothing, and is of no more use to them than a piece of waste paper.— The plaintiff persevered in endeavouring to bring his " case before the Quarter Sessions; and for that purpose entered into the usual recognizances ; but that Court could not entertain the appeal, as no conviction had been returned. But, Gentlemen, he has still an appeal left, and I trust it will not be in vain. If it shall ap- pear to you that the defendants have merely been guilty of an error of judgment, his Lordship wiH tell you that the Statute protects them; but if, indeed, they have exercised their authority with harshness and oppression— if the garb of justice has been put on to gratify individual malice, you will not step out of your way to shield them from the consequences to - which the law of the land and the principles of justice render them liable. It is not for me to charge upon either Mr. Seaver or Mr. Bernard any particular malice; but it lies upon them to shew that they have acted fairly, and to ex- plain away the crooked ways and devices to which they have had recourse for oppressing and ruining a poor man who had unwittingly become an object of their displeasure. Gentlemen, I repeat that the whole procedure was vindictive and oppressive. I repeat, and I speak under the correction of his Lordship, that the warrant was illegal; and I call upon you by your verdict, to mark your estimation of my client's wrongs; for according to your verdict will be the estimation the public will have of the protection which the law afford* them. EVIDENCE FOR PLAINTIFF. Felix Mackey proved the service of the notice, pursu- ant to the statute, together with the writ upon the defend- ants. On his cross- examination, he had a good deal of difficulty in getting through the reading of the notice, and recollecting when they were served. The Agent proved the issuing out of the writ, and upon his cross- examination, he admitted having been au- thorized to commence the action by Colonel Ogle ; upon which a lengthened discussion took place between the Counsel on both sides, as to whether he had been refined by the plaintiff previous to the service of the notice; the Counsel of the defendants contending that they were en- titled to a non- suit, it not appearing that the plaintiff had any Attorney at the time; his Lordship thereupon took a note of the objection. Patrick Brennan, chief constable of Police for the ba- rony of Upper Orier, County of Armagh, produced and proved the original warrant of the defendants, as also his having received £ 10 of the present currency, the amount of it, from the plaintiff. James Hamilton, a Police constable, deposed as to his having gone to the house of the plaintiff at Shean, near Fork- hill, accompanied by John Kidd, another Police constable, on the 5th Sept. 1828, and seizing, by virtue of the defendants' warrant, all the goods of the petitioner, and removing them to the house of Larry Grafton. Wit- ness and Kidd returned on the 10th, and proceeded to sell said things. When Colonel Ogle interposed, and undertook; to be responsible for the- £ 10; which has been since, as witness has been informed, paid to Capt. Brennan. Colonel Ogle afterwards inquired whether witness and Kidd would sell the things, which they de- clined to do, in consequence of Colonel Ogle having un- dertaken to be responsible for the £ 10, and thereupon the Colonel himself stated, that he would give a pound for the oats, and asked if any person would give more; and then said he would give 5s. for the furniture. This witness was cross- examined at considerable length, but nothing further elicited from him, except his saying that the people gave three cheers for the ColoneFbefore they separated, and his calling out in reply, Erin go bragh for ever. Robert M'Kinstry, the Clerk of the Peace, deposed to his having, on the 21st Oct. 1828, made search amongst tlie Records of the County of Armagh, and his having given a certificate upon that day that no conviction against Peter Coyle had been lodged with him. [ Here a lengthened discussion took place between the Counsel on both sides, as to the admissibility of his testimony, which the Court eventually ruled in favour of tlie plaintiff.] The plaintiff's case here closed DEFENCE. Mr. SCRIVEN " My Lord, and Gentlemen of the Ju- ry, I have the honour " to be concerned, with my learned friends, in this case, for Mr. Seaver and Major Bernard. I agree with my learned friend, Mr. Perrin, and am quite convinced " that you will neither be influenced by the consideration of the plaintiff being poor, or my clients being rich and respsctablemen. If they have wi fully and Maliciously exceeded the limits of thtir duty,' you will give your verdict against them ; but if they have merelv been guilty of an error of judgment, his Lordship will tell you, they are under the p. otection of the statute, and their conduct is not to be considered as if it were, to make use of Mr. Perriri's expression, a well- considered act of oppression. Mr. Perrin has told you that the plaintiff is a poor man— that he did not know of the pistols being in his house. Gentlemen, we will prove' to you that he not only had the pistol in his possession, but that he made use of it— that he fired it off at one of Grafton's children ; and is he to be suffered to escape because an idle story has been trumped up of the pistol's belonging to his son ?— It has been said that there was a quarrel between Coyle and Grafton. My clients have nothing to do with this : they acted in their capacity as Magistrates ; they re- ceived the complaint of Grafton; they summoned the plaintiff; they examined witnesses, and they con- victed the plaintiff of the offence. The conviction was signed by another Magistrate, and who do you think he was ? Gentlemen, you will be astonished when I tell you that Magistrate was Colonel Ogle— that gallant Co- lonel Ogle who is now staring me in the face, and says he is not afraid of any man alive— I wish he were more fearful of himself. Yes, Gentlemen, that quondam Co- lonel, no longer a Colonel— that quondam Magistrate, no longer a Magistrate— that Colonel, Mr. Ogle I mean, presided upon the bench when the plaintiff was convicted, and signed the conviction with his own hand. Here, Gentlemen, is the memorandum book of the Petit Ses- sions of Meigh ; here is the memorandum of the convic- tion, and at the bottom of it is, ' John Ogle,' as large as life. [ Here the memorandum was read.] Gentlemen, the plaintiff might have made his appeal— it was for this reason that a delay was made in the issuing of the war- rant, and that the execution of it was afterwards deferred for six months. But this course did not please the plain- tiff, or rather his adviser, Col. Ogle. ' No,' said he, ' let them execute the warrant, and you shall see what use I will make of it in a memorial to the Lord Lieutenant.' And a memorial was sent to the Lord Lieutenant, con- cluding with a prayer to strike my clients from the com- mission of the peace. An investigation took place, and were my clients deprived of the commission of the peace? No, Gentlemen, but Colonel Ogle was : he was struck off the list of Magistrates for daring to lay before the Lord Lieutenant what afterwards proved to be a false- hood: Colonel Ogle is no longer ' his worship,' and I be- lieve will never be so again. Ft is astonishing how a gen- tleman of his r^ nk- and family should have exposed him- self to such a disgrace ; but so it is : there is his name : you have heard his conduct: he made a secret underhand complaint against his brother Magistrates ; an investiga- tion took place, and the issue was only disgrace to him- self. Foiled in this attempt, Colonel Ogle resorts to another trick. He says to his coadjutor, ' we have been beaten, but we won't have done yet: we'll proceed be- fore twelve honest men: these Magistrates are not so ex- perienced as I am : I can point out an irregularity in their proceedings, and then, Coyle, twelve honest men will com- pensate you.' Gentlemen, Mr. Perrin has told you that all the plaintiff's little stock and furniture were auctioned. There was an auction, and who do you think was the auctioneer ? Why, Gentlemen, the goods were set up for sale, bid for, and purchased by John Ogle— quonda^ i Colonel— quondam Magistrate— and now general auc- tioneer ! This, truly, is what you might have heard of in poetry— the bathos, or the art of sinking. There is oft'e little incident which I had almost forgotten. When the warrant wasissued, Col. Ogle said to his favourite, ' Coyle, my man, never fear, I'll take care of you;' and so he did, Gentlemen; he goes to the constable and desires him to give him the warrant, and what use do you think he made of it ? He went to the plaintiff and told him not to be uneasy, but be on the alert: ' You have plenty of goods ; but I have got the warrant in my pocket— remove your goods, and then let them do their best.' Accordingly, when the constable came to seize the goods, not a stick or stone could be found. At the second seizure, the goods were merely brought into the next house, and were returned without the slightest injury, when Colonel Ogle said he would be answerable for the fine. There must however be an auction : it must be made part of the complaint, that the poor man's things were sold by these merciless Magis- trates. The Colonel turns auctioneer— sets up the corn for sale— bids 1/. for it himself, and adds, ' who'll give more ?' This was not for the purpose of obtaining another bid. It was not accompanied with the auc- tioneer's anxious look. It meant, who will dare give more ? while the Colonel looked fiercely around ; for he can put on a most terrific look when he pleases. The furniture was bought in for five shillings by the Colonel; and when the sale was concluded, he took off his hat and shouted " Erin- go- bragh," " Erin- go- bragh," cheered the gallant Colonel, and so resounded the plains, and so re- echoed all the people ! And what, gentlemen, is the plaintiff to receive the 100Z. damages for? Not the slightest injury was done him or his goods. It is said that there was some mistake in the warrant: the penalty should have been specified in the late Irish currency.— There may be an irregularity in this ; and I would not be surprized if the mistake were owing to the gallant Colonel himself. He signed the conviction— he was the older Magistrate, and it was his business to have taken care that every thing was right. It is true that the fine was paid into the hands of the police officer : he could not help receiving it when Colonel Ogle, the only Magis- trate present, told him on his peril not to refuse it. Gen- tlemen, Colonel Ogle is first and last, head, tail, body and all, in this action ; and if Coyle has any thing to do with it, 1 am sure you will agree with me in saying, that a farthing's damages are suffici » nt for him. Coyle has only lent his name to enable Colonel Ogle to harass my clients. Even Mr. Murray, the ostensible agent for Coyle, says he never saw him till a few days ago. Colo- nel Ogle " retained him. Did you not see the part which the Colonel took during the examination of the witnesses? Did you not see him consulting with the plaintiff's legal advisers, and calling his witnesses ? If the story that has been told about the pistol were the case, why was not the Colonel himself put upon the table ? If my clients acted with deliberate oppression, could the other side have proved it better than by producing Colonel Ogle ? Gen- tlemen, the charge is unfounded ; and the Colonel knew he could not stand the ordeal of a cross- examination— [ Colonel Ogle here said that he was at Mr. Scriven's service, and ready to be examined. ] No, Sir, you have been mistaken on your word and hand, and I would not like to ask you any thing on your oath. Could I trust a man upon his oath, when I knew to a certainty that he had certified to the Lord Lieutenant, what the Lord Lieu- tenant afterwards discovered to be false. Gentlemen, 1 have occupied too much of your time ; and I shall briefly conclude. If it appears to you that my clients have been guilty of deliberate oppression, give your verdict against them. ' But, if it should appear that they were acting merely in accordance with what they con- ceived to be their duty— and you will remember the testimony of the constable who received orders not to remove the oats lest they should be injured— if you think that my clients have not* acted with cool deliberate op- pression, even should there have been an irregularity in their conduct,, his Lordship will tell you that the Statute protects them ; and even were it not so, you will take into consideration that they were acting with the assis- tance of an older Magistrate, and if you award any damages at all, they will be merely nominal." EVIDENCE FOR DEFENDANTS. Thomas Jones, Clerk of the Petty Sessions of Meigh, produced the Petty Sessions Book, and proved that the whole of the writing setting forth the proceedings on the 6th November, 1827, were, with the exception of the heading and the signatures of the defendants, Bernard and Colonel' Ogle, in the hand- writing of the de- fendant Seaver. On the cross- examination of this wit- ness, he confined his direct examination to the hand- writing of Mr. Seaver in the book. John Kidd, a Police Constable, deposed as to his hav- ing got the warrant from the Magistrates on the 23d of May, 1828. Colonel Ogle demanded to see it, which witness gave to him. He said he wished to shew it to Major Bernard ; returned it next day to witness. Wit- nes went to the plaintiff's house, accompanied by James Hamilton, on the 5th September, 1828, and seized his goods under it. By the Court The reason witness did not execute it previously was, because the plaintiff had nothing to seize, and executed it then in consequence of Larry Grafton having given him information of the plaintiff having brought home his crop. The plaintiff's furniture and crop were worth very little. There appeared to be a discrepancy between the testimony of this witness and that of James Hampton, as the latter swore that the goods, & c. were worth £ 10 and upwards. Thomas Jones, recalled to prove the signatures of the defendants to the conviction which had been very re- cently filed with the Clerk of the Peace. Larry Grafton— Knows Peter Coyle. Witness is a tenant of Mrs. Ogle; saw plaintiff have both a pistol and gun in his possession. The reason why he knows that plaintiff had a pistol was, because one of witnesses chil- dren was going to the well for water with a pitcher, and she broke it in consequence of the plaintiff having fired it off. When plaintiff let go the shot, saw it in his pos- session ; went then and got a summons from Major Bernard and Captain Seaver, for the plaintiff. Cross- examined It was on the 8d November, that the pistol was fired ; his little girl broke the pitcher ; she was not much hurt. Colonel Ogle owned he got the pistol from Coyle ; cannot say whether the pistol was given up to Colonel Ogle before he got the summons, or after. Does not know what registering arms is; cannot read the Act of Parliament; had a spite against Coyle. Mr. Boomer, the Attorney, got an Ejectment for him, under which, he witness, turned the plaintiff out. The conviction having been read by Mr. Bradv, pro forma, the case of the defendant closed. Mr. TOME. as Counsel for the plaintiff, then spoke to evidence. Gentlemen of the Jury,— I beg leave to occupy your attention for a few minutes, with some observations on the evidence, I do not possess the talents or eloquence of my friend Mr. Scriven; nor have I been much accus- tomed to address a jury at length. The facts of the case, however, are plain and incontrovertible, and they require merely to be stated. Mr. Scriven has made a long and powerful speech ; but has a single allegation in in' his statement been proved ? He. has indulged at great length in the harshest observations on Colonel Ogle :— Has a shadow of evidence been produced to warrant the unjustifiable language which the instructions of my learned friend obliged him to use ? No, Gentlemen, he felt that he must fail in point of proof, and he launched into in- vective ; he saw that he had no case, and therefore followed his instructions by indulging in a tirade of abuse, which can serve no possible purpose, than to gratify some persons, with regard to whom, I will not follow my learned friend's example, or use a harsh or unkind expression against them. Nor do my instructions warrant me to appear befor, you as the advocate of Colonel Ogle; that Gentleman is a stranger to me; I have not the honour of being ac- quainted with him, but this I will say, that if he has never been guilty of any thing more blameable than his conduct in reference to the plaintiff, he does not deserve one tittle of the abusive language which has been so un- sparingly lavished upon him. His conduct lias been pictured in the most disgraceful colours; and yet when the evidence is produced, it appears that the head and front of his offending was interfering to protect one of his tenants from the greatest oppression, and the most fla- grant abuse of the law. I am not counsel for Colonel Ogle ; though I look upon him as a badly used man. I am counsel for the plaintiff, the poor man who has been so harshly treated. Look, Gentleman, at the evidence, and you will see the true state of the case. The last witness, that miserable looking man, whom you saw on the table, is landlord to the plaintiff; and having been upon the worst possible terms with him, he conceives, or pretends to conceive, that the shot which was fired was an attack on his child. Does he go to the nearest Magis- trate to lodge the complaint— to his own landlord, the per- son most competent to judge of the fact ? No, Gentle- men, he goes five miles to look for Mr. Seaver. And what does he go for? Was it to swear that there were unregistered arms in the house of the plaintiff, this miserable illiterate creature went, who probably did not know what was meant by the registry of arms ?— was it for this purpose that Grafton went to Mr. Seaver's ?— Gentlemen, he has himself told you that it was not : he went to swear that Coyle had been shooting at his child. Mr. Seaver had too much good sense to listen to so idle a tale ; but something must be done. Mr. Sea- ver is acquainted with Acts of Parliament; he rum- mages old Acts of Parliament, and finds one against the holding of unregistered fire- arms, passed in the 47th of the late King's reign. I am not aware whether or not it be yet in existence. I know it was passed for a limited and temporary purpose ; but whether or not it still con- tinues in force, is quite immaterial. Under that Act of Parliament my client is summoned before the Magis- trates. You have been told that hp confessed he was guilty. Gentlemen, he did not confess; we have it from one of their own witnesses that he did not. The other witness, Campbell, they do not dare to bring forward, be- cause they knew he would completely expose the artifice which was used to make Colonel Ogle appear to have put his hand to a conviction, of which he afterwards con- plained to the Lord Lieutenant. They did prove, how- ever, what they were ashamed to read. They proved the entry and the writing in the memorandum- book at the Petit Sessions of Meigh. I will read it to you, Gentlemen. [ The document was read.] Here, Gentlemen, lookatit. The whole, as has been sworn before you, with the ex- ception of the hand- writing and signatures, is in the hand- writing of Mr. Seaver. And there— look there, Gentlemen— you see pi inly that the word " proved" is written with different ink : take it with you— examine it. Gentlemen, Colonel Ogle did sigh that document which has been made such a handle of abuse against him; but when he signed it, the word " proved" was not in it.— You see plainly that the memorandum of the charge is written with one ink, but the memorandum of the sup- posed conviction in another, of a totally different colour. That word " proved" has been sworn to be also in Mr. Seaver's hand- writing: Gentlemen, it was interpolated after Col. Ogle left the court. The memorandum as it originally stood, stated merely that the ease was adjourn- ed : Colonel Ogle as well as the plaintiff looked upon it in this light; and the interpolation which was afterwards made, was nothing else than a falsification of the docu- ment. I will not adopt the course pursued by mv learned friend. I will not speak harshly, even when 1 am warranted in doing it; b » t, gentlemen, recollect the attempt thac was made to make you believe that Col- onel Ogle signed the conviction, issued the warrant, and then had the hardihood to complain to the Lord Lieutenant. You see the deceit that has been practised upon him. You see that, from the commencement of the proceedings against the plaintiff, he disapproved of them entirely, and he exerted himself to save a poor man from a persecution far more oppressive and vindictive than Tb has appeared here to- day. The whole proceedings were as illegal as they were grossly unjust. [ The learned counsel here commented upon the warrant, and cited se- veral authorities to show its illegality in several respects.] The name of the witness, Grafton, is written in one sort of ink, and that of Campbell in another. No wonder they were afraid to produce Campbell: there was only one witness at first; but having consulted counsel, they found it necessary to procure another ; and this is quite in keeping with the entire of their proceedings. Gentle- men of the Jury, the whole of these proceedings, as I have said before, did not emanate in a love of justice ; they are cruel, vindictive and tyrannical. What motive can have influenced the defendants it is not for me to say ; but there is no one who hears me, that does not believe they must have been influenced by some motive which has not appeared in the course of this trial. When it is evident that Magistrates have been acting fairly, Courts and Juries should protect them from the consequences of an error in judgment; but they have no right to be pro- tected, when they convert the power which has been dele- gated to them for the good of the subject, into an instru- ment of tyranny and oppression. I do not call upon you for vindictive damages ; but I call upon you for such a verdict as will prevent Magistrates from suffering passion or prejudice to influence them in the discharge of their duty, and thus you will render a service to the country, by shewing them, that they shall not, with impunity, abuse the authority which has been entrusted to them by the Legislature for very different purposes. Judge MOORF, then addressed the Jury : this case, he said, has taken a considerable length of time, it being as novel in the case as in the circumstance. The action in this case is, an action of trespass against the Defendants, who are Magistrates of this County. If Magistrates act improperly, they come into Court upon the same footing as any other sub- ject. There are impediments, thrown by the law in the way of bringing actions against Magistrates for acts done by mistake, and one of those impediments is, that a notice must be served one month before a writ can be filed against a Magistrate, which is done with a view of enabling them to make amends and ar range the matter; if they think that they have acted wrong. The Magistrates have another advantage by this law, that is, they can give in evidence what others would be obliged to plead in justification; but they are responsible for their conduct, provided they get the proper notices. It will be for you to say, under my direction, whether they have acted legally or not, and if illegally, you will say what injury has been done. My opinion is that there has been a conviction, and that in point of law it is correct; although only re- ceived yesterday, it is to be presumed, it was made out antecedent to the issuing the warrant. With regard to the warrant itself, it is my opinion the Magistrates exceeded their jurisdiction by the excess of British money, instead of Irish, and the smallest excess— say a farthing, would be held to be excess of jurisdiction. Here the learned Judge cited a case which occurred in England, to support that position, and said that the warrant was not a legal warrant, and there is evidence, that the sum of ten pounds was paid as the redemp- tion money for the goods seized, and although great stress has been laid upon Mr. Ogle's going to the place and selling the goods, when the Constable de- clined to sell them, the Constable having got a guarantee for the £ 10. The sale of the things after- wards was* a mere farce, and I think Colonel Ogle's conduct upon that occasion was very meritorious. Un- der all the circumstances, it is for you, Gentlemen, to say what damages you will award to the Plaintiff, as it is quite evident that serious trespass has been com- mitted upon the Plaintiff, and the Defendants, as Magistrates, are answerable for the acts done by the Constables under their warrant. The Jury retired, and after remaining upwards of an hour in deliberation, returned a verdict for the Plaintiff- Damages, £ 60, and 6d. Costs. Counsel for the Plaintiff— Messrs. Perrin, Tomb, and Reilly : agent, G. W. Murray. Counsel for the De- fendant, Seaver— Messrs. Holmes and Corry ; agent, T. Turner. Counsel for the Defendant, Bernard— Messrs. Scriven and Brady; agent, J. C. Murphy. JOHN JONES V. JOHN M'KAY This was an action of ejectment. The defendant did not appear to confess Lease, Entry, and Ouster. A Jury was empannelfed by ballot; the plaintiff was accordingly non- suited, which was equivalent to a verdict in his favour. John Green, Assignee of Mouritz, a Bankrupt, versus Lewis Reford. This was an action of Trover, brought by plaintiff against defendant to recover the value of goods, the property of the bankruyt, which had been sold by defendant, under execution after the Act of Bank- ruptcy. SATURDAY, MARCH 20. IMPORTANT TRIAL— THE POLICE ACT. Edward. Turner, Esq., in Replevin, v. Thomas G. Henry, Esq. and another. Mr. BRADY opened the pleadings. This action was brought against the defendants for distressing certain goods and chattels, the property of the plain- tiff ; the defendant, T. G. Henry, as Chairman of the Commissioners under a certain Act, & c., and Owen Taggart, the other defendant, as the Collector ap- pointed by said Commissioners. The defendants acknowledged the taking of the goods, and pleaded the authority of the statute. Mr. PERRIN, as Counsel for the Defendants, ad- dressed the Jury. The question to be decided, he said, was one peculiarly interesting, not only to the town of Newry, but also to many other cities and towns in Ireland. Upon its decision depended the permanency of the good effects which had already re- sulted, in several places, from the adoption of the late Act for cleansing and lighting cities, towns, and boroughs in Ireland. He would therefore be obliged to occupy the attention of the Court and Jury for some time, in- detailing the circumstances of the case. [ Here Mr. Perrin went into a history of the Police Act, similar to what he narrated on Thursday, commented upon the difficulties that had so long continued in the way of this satisfactory arrangement, enumerated the principal clauses of the Act, and explained the steps which had been taken to carry it into operation in the town of Newry. He then dwelt at some length on the course which the Commissioners and their Collector had pur- sued with regard to the plaintiff, and contrasted the forbearance which they used with his unwarranted and illegal conduct towards them.] Gentlemen, said Mr. Perrii\, Mr. Turner will find he is mistaken in the course he has thought proper to adopt. He • will re- gret having acted in a manner so unbecoming his high station and character, and so little calculated to serve himself or the community. Supposing he should find a flaw in our proceedings— supposing, what I will not allow, that he should turn us out of Court— of what benefit would it be to him? What is his object in this proceeding? Does he wish to bring back thft 13 THE NEWRY EXAMINER. town to its former dirty, dark, and dangerous state ? But perhaps he complains that the cess apportioned against him is too high. Gentlemen, he has been taxed for his splendid establishment only o/. a tax which, as I am instructed, is much underrated; and surely he cannot wish to enjoy the present advantages without paying for them, in common with his less wealthy neighbours. If, indeed, Mr. Turner could shew that the public money had been improperly expended, or that any partial measure for individual benefit had been acted on by the Commissioners, he would be perfectly justifiable in bringing forward this matter. But, Gentlemen, my clients are ready to defend their proceedings: their conduct has been open and above board, and they challenge investigation. There is, however, an express clause in the Act, which pro- vides, that no action shall be brought against any Commissioner, or against any person in their employ- ment, unless thirty days' notice of such an action had been previously given, in order that compensation, if necessary, might be tendered. No evidence of any such notice has been furnished ; and here I might rest my case, and ask for a verdict. But, Gentlemen, these are not my instmctions. My clients wish, that, for the good of their town, and of other places that have adopted the regulations of the Act, this matter should be set at rest at once and for ever. We shall bring forward the most incontestible evidence, that the forms prescribed by the Act have been duly ob- served in bringing it into operation in Newrv; and my clients rely upon the protection which the law affords them. The following evidence was produced : Mr. George Ogle examined by Mr. Holmes— Pro- duced a certified copy of the original application of 24 householders to the Lord Lieutenant; com- pared it with the original in the Secretary of State's office. Witness had attended several elections for the borough of Newry ; the Seneschal always presides at such election, and also holds a Court in the borough; Mr. Isaac Glenny has acted as Seneschal for some years past; he is also a Magistrate for the Counties of Down and Armagh. Produced a printed copy of the notice from tile Senes- chal, for a town meeting, agreeably to the directions of the Lord Lieutenant, and which notice was also adver- tised in the Newspaper. Was present when the Com- missioners were chosen ; was also present, on a subse- quent occasion, when 19 of them were sworn into office. Knows Mr. Turner's residence, which is in the Armagh side of the town, and was always considered within the limits of the borough. Produced the Minute Book of the proceedings ot the Commissioners; Mr. Dennis Maguire was first chosen Chairman. Cross- examined.— Believes Newry is a borough by charter ; had obtained what was called a copy of that charter in Dublin Castle, but could not read it, the let- ters and phraseology being so ancient. The meeting of the inhabitants, at which tne Act was adopted, took place ? n the 15th September, when the requisition was read, the resolutions were adopted, and the Commission- ers chosen; 19 Commissioners were sworn in on the 19th of September, before the Seneschal, Mr. Isaac Glenny. Issac Glenny, T^ sq. examined by Mr. Corry— Has been Seneschal of Newry better than 3 years ; received a letter from Lord Leveson Gower, dated 30th August—( Mr. T. Corry proved the hand- writing of Lord L. Gower)— gave notice of the meeting in consequence ; at that meet- ing certain resolutions were adopted unanimously; the Commissioners were elected on that day, and their names entered. Knows Mr. E. Turner; did not observe him at the meeting that day; it was crowded as much as the ( Armagh) Court- house then was ; but saw him outside tlx: Sessions- house when the meeting was over. Cross- examined by Mr. Scriven— Was appointed Se- neschal, by letter from Lord Kilmorev, in January, 1827, has that letter in his pocket—( Mr. Scriven— I don't want it)— is a Magistrate for the Counties of Down and Ar- magh, and was so previous to the meeting in question ; the meeting was convened by the prescribed notice in the poblic New spaper, and also bv handbills. Mr. John Melling, examined by Mr. Perrin— Is clerk to the Commissioners ; produced his Minute Hook; Mr. J. Lyle was sworn a Commissioner on the 13th October; the limits fixed by the Commissioners included Mr. Tur- ner's residence ; three valuators, namely, Isaac Smyth, Joseph M'Minn, jun. and Thomas Polin, where appoint- ed on 13th October— they accordingly prepared a valu- ation return of all houses, tenements, & c. within the be- rough, to the correctness of which they were sworn; the valuation of the County Down side remained in the Ses- sions- house 14 days, and that of the Armagh side 11 days; the Commissioners were obliged to fix the assessment at the highest rate allowed by the Act, and even that has not been sufficient to meet the necessary expenditure ;— the Commissioners had, to the best of witness's belief, used all due economy ; notice of the valuation was given in the Newry Telegraph, by advertisement, and also by hand- bills.— Owen laggart, one of the Defendants, was appointed collector on the 19th of January, 1829 ;— the applotment, signed by Mr. Dennis Maguire, the chair- man, and counter- signed by witness, was delivered to the collector ; identified warrant for levying the assessment ; identified also a paper, directed to the chairman of the ' Commissioners, and signed, " Owen Taggart," certifying that the requisite notice had been served upon Mr. Tur- ner, also the warrant of distress, signed, " T. G. Henry;" the warrant specified the several notices that had been served on Mr. Turner, and ordered the collector, if the demand was not previously settled, to distrain certain goods and chattels of the Defendant, within 14 days from the date of that warrant. Mr. Scriven objected to the warrant on the ground that it was not stamped. This objection was, however, after some little discussion, over- ruled by the Court. Arthur O'Hagan— Went with Owen Taggart, on two different occasions, to the house of Mr. Turner; the last was on the 20th Nov.; O. Taggart first asked for pay- ment of £ 5 Police Tax, which Mr. Turner refused. Campbell— Went along with 0. Taggart, to Mr. Turner's, to make a distraint; Taggart first de- manded £ 5, and then read the warrant from the Com- missioners ; Mr. T. turned witness out because his name was not in the warrant; O. Taggart handed out a num- ber of chairs belonging to Mr. T., which witness carried away. Mr. J. M'Kinstry, Deputy Clerk of the Peace- Produced the registry of Edward Turner, as a house- holder within the borough of Newry, and liable to all taxes, & c. Registry dated 17th Jan., 1825. Mr. Perrin— We conceive we have now proved that this seizure was legally made, under the Act, by the De- fendant, Owen Taggart. Case closed for the Defendants. Mr. GILMOR, ( for the Plaintiff)— The question with the Jury turns entirely and exclusively on a point of law, in which they will be directed by his Lordship. The Act in question was no more than a dead letter, unless all the preliminary steps had been taken— no assessment could be otherwise legally made, normouey levied. Hewraildnow briefly state the circumstances under which the other side had failed in making out their case. In the first place, the application to Government must be made, according to law, by twenty- one householders, each occupving a house of the annual value of £ 20 and upwards Of that they had no evidence whatever. Mr. HOLM* S— If it be necessary we can easily go into the proof. ' c Mr. SCRIVEN— But you have already closed your case, and cannot now with propriety amend it. With permission of the Court, Mr. Joseph M'Minn was sworn, and proved that 22, out of the 24 inhabitants who addressed the Lord Lieutenant, occupied houses of the annual value of £ 20 and upwards. Mr. GILMOR— Our next objections are— First, That there is no evidence of Mr. Glenny being " Chief Ma- gistrate" of the borough of Newry. Secondly, That al though Newry is a borough bv charter, that charter has not been proved. Thirdly, That though Mr. Glenny's appointment, as . Seneschal, was by letter under the hand and seal of Lord Kilmorey, that letter has not been given in evidence. Fourthly, That no rate at Vestry, antece- dent to the election of the Commissioners, has been pro- duced. Fifthly, That there is no evidence of the quali- fication of the persons by whom the Commissioners were elected. Sixthly, That there is no qualification of the Commissioners themselves. And, seventhly, that there is not sufficient evidence of the notification of the first public meeting having been put on the Church doors, & c. or in the Newspaper, agreeably to the Act. On these several objections ( continued Mr. G.) we rely, and request your Lordship will take a note of them. Mr. PERRIN— With respect to the third of these weighty objections, Mr. Glenny had offered to produce the letter of Lord Kilmorey; but my Learned Friend said that he did not want it. And as to the seventh, we have here the Newspapers containing the notice; but we could not con- veniently bring the Church door. ( A laugh.) Mr. George Ogle here read the notice from the Senes- chal, as advertised in The Newry Telegraph. Case closed. Justice MOORE ( turning to the Jury)— Gentlemen, if you believe the evidence, you will find for the defendants. And now ( turning towards the Bar) I shall just make one observation as to the law points— it is this, that if you mean to raise on these a Bill of Exceptions, the expense of the party will not be less than from £ 1000 to » £ 1500. As to the final result of such a proceeding, I need not make any observation. Mr. GILMORE— O, my Lord, we don't mean to carry the matter as far as that. Verdict for the defendants, subject to the points saved, with 6d costs. Counsel for the plaintiff— Messrs. Gilmor, Scriven, and Brady. Agent— Mr. T. Turner. Counsel for the defendants— Messrs. Holmes, Perrin, and Curry. Agent— Mr. G. Ogle. CAUI. FIELD against HANCOCK.— This was an action brought by the plaintiff against William John Hancock, Esq. of Lurgan, a Magistrate, for false imprisonment— The facts of the case are briefly show n. In the month of May last, the Chief Constable of Police called on Mr, Hancock about 9 o'clock, at night, and told him that he heard a drum beating, that he understood there was a party procession, and that he feared there might be dis- turbance, and wished to know how he should act— Mr. Hancock went with the Constable and some of the Police, to where they heard the drum, and there found ajrreat number of people assembled— upon which Mr. Hancock desired them to go into their houses, and go to bed. Previous to this, there had been some stones thrown, and offensive epithets used to Mr. Hancock and the Po- lice. Among others, Mr. Hancock desired Caulfield, the plaintiff in this action, to go home, who, thereupon ran into a house, out of which he was shortly afterwards put, and then proceeded to his own dwelling, using some most offensive language to Mr. Hancock, upon which Mr. Hancock made him a prisoner. This occurring im mediately at the plaintiff's dwelling, Mr. Hancock told him, if that was his house to go into it, and to go to bed, and not to be creating any more disturbance ; but the plaintiff told him that he would not go to bed, and that as he had made him a prisoner, he would go to Bridewell; Mr. Hancock accordingly handed him over to the Chief of Police, and he was conveyed to Bridewell. The next morning being Sunday, Mr. Hancock called on the plaintiff, and told him that if he would give security to attend the Sessions, he would let him go; but upon plaintiff refusing to do so, Mr. Hancock left a written order with the keeper of the Bridewell to detain him till Tuesday, when the Petit Session was held, at which time plaintiff did enter into security to attend the Sessions; but previous to the Sessions being held, Mr. Hancock was induced to give up the prosecution, as the offence was chiefly against himself, upon a promise being given that an occurrence of the kind should not take place again— The plaintiff finding he was not prosecuted at the Ses- sions, conceived he was committed to prison falsely, and, therefore, brought his action to receive damages. The Jury, however, brought in a verdict for Mr. Hancock, with 6d. costs. JAMES CRAIG V. WILLIAM FINLAY.— An action brought on a judgment by fieri facias. Verdict entered by consent for the plaintiff, subject to a reference to the Court above. Dow AY AND WIFE V. MARLAY.— Action of trespass for injury alleged to have been sustained by the wife of the plaifitiff, in consequence of the falling of a sack, by accident, while in the act of being hoisted up into the stores of defendant at Portadown. Verdict taken, by consent, for ihe plaintiffs—£ 20 Damages and I'd. Cost. CARAIIER v, M'KEOWN— Action on a promissory note. Left to the arbitration of three of the Jury. KANE against PRESTON.— This was an appeal from Trover, given at the Quarter Sessions, to recover from Mr. John Kane the value of a cow, which Mr. Proton alleged Mr. Kane to have of his. The facts of the case were these:— Mr. Kane and Mr. Preston sent each a cow to Castledillon, in the month of May last, to graze. A short time after the cows were there, one of the herdsmen came into Mr. Kane's, and stated that his cow was very ill, upon which ( Mr. Kane being from home,) his apprentice, accompanied by a butcher, went to Castledillon, and there found a cow dead, of the same colour as Mr. Kane's, upon which they skinned her, brought in the skin and left it with a tanner. In the July fair of Armagh, Mr. Kane was told that his cow- was at the gate of the field in which she was in the habit of grazing, and, upon going there, lie found the cow in question, which he claimed as his, and kept her. There was a variety of evidence produced, on both sides, in proof of the identity of the cow, after which the Jury retired, and shortly after brought in a verdict, finding the cow to belong to Mr. Kane. garet Heffernan, who slept in the prisoners' house that night, was sworn not to divulge what she might see. After hearing the evidence, and a most impartial charge from the Learned Judge, the Jury retired. The prisoners, including the father, mother and two daughters, and two very clever, well dressed young men, fell on their knees in the dock, to implore the Divine mercy. The Jury returned in a quarter of an hour and gave their verdict.— Guilty of the actual murder against John Dunworth, Laurence Lynch, and Mary Murphy, the eldest daughter. Guilty of the conspiracy to murder, against John Murphy, Marga- ret Murphy and Honora Murphy, father, mother and younger daughter. His Lordship passed sentence of death, execution, and dissection, against the first three, for Wednesday, the 17th March, and sentence of death against the other three also, the husband and wife for the 31st March, and the younger daughter Honora, the 24th April. The Assizes terminated on Tuesday. In both County and City, 14 are left for execution and 26 for transportation. Before leaving Limerick, Judge Blackbunie left a respite for Mary Murphy, the eldest daughter in the above case. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION TO THE NEWRY EXAMINER. £ 1 5 O—- PER YEAR 13 O PER HALF- YEAR. 6 6— PER QUARTER. PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. JtJ- The Subscriber to pay the postage on the Agent's letter ordering his paper; and all other communications to be for- warded free of expense, otherwise they will not be attended to. AGENTS' NAMES. Antrim— Mr. WII. LIAM CRAWFORD- Armagh— Mr. SAMUEL GARDNER. Aughnaeloy.— Mr. THOMAS MONTGOMERY. Belfast.— Messrs. ARCHER and SONS. Ballymoney.— Mr. JAMES CANNING, Jun. Banbridge.— Mr. WILLIAM M'CLELLAND. BaUybay— Mr. BERNARD M'MAHON. BaUymena.— Mr. ROBERT JACK. Colerain— Mr. EDWARD HEGLY. Cookstown— Mr. PATTISON, Post- Office. Clones Mr. CORNELIUS COSGltOVE. Cavan.— Mr. JOHN BRADY, Bridge- street CootehiU.— Mr. GEORGE M'CABE. Castleblayney Mr. LEWF. RS, Post- Office. Carrickmacross Mr. JOHN JAMES CASSIDY. Dublin.— Messrs. JOHNSTON, and Co. Eden- quay. Bromore— Mr. WILLIAM PliENTER. Dungannon.— Mr. ROBERT COOTE, Stamp- office. Dmgiven— Mr. MICHAEL M'DIVITT. Enniskillen—~ Slr. ROBERT 1BALLANTINE. Gilford— Mr. THOMAS WILSON. Kitkeel— Mr. ALEXANDER GORDON. Lurgan— Mr. JOHN M'VEAGH. Lisburn.— Mr. HENRY MUI. HOLLAND, Jun. Quay. Londonderry.— Mr. BIRCH, King's- arms. Moneymore— Mr. HARKNESS. Magherafelt.— Rev. JAMES QUINN. Monaghan— Dr. MURRAY. Newtoumlimavady— Mr. JAMES M'KISSOCK. Saintfield— Mr. JOHN TRAIL. N. B.— SUBSCRIBERS wishing ; to commence with the first num. her of THE NEWRY EXAMINER, will please give in their names to the respective Agents, as soon as possible. The Paper is of a very convenient form for bituling, and unless the Subscribers' names be immediately entered on our books, they cannot have complete sets, there being but a very few copies of the first im- pression undisposed of. TO CORRESPONDENTS. ADVERTISEMENTS.— Merchants and Traders will find the Newry Examiner a desirable medium fbr the publication of their Ad- vertisements. The circulation is at present very considerable, is daily increasing, and may soon be expected to rival that of any provincial Journal in Ireland. The friends of the Newry Examiner are also informed that the CHARGES for advertising will be much more moderate than it has been customary to exac in this town. POSTAGES..— We must again state that letters will not be attended to in this Office, unless they come free of postage ; nor can we forward papers unless the subscription accompany the order, except when sent by an Agent of the Establishment. PRICE OF IRISH STOCKS, ENDING MARCH 20, 1830. Bank Stock, Irish a p. Ct. Cons. Do. do. Reduced, G. Deb. p. Ct 1) 0. Stock, 3J4 p. Ct Do. New, 4 p. Ct. G. CanalL. 4p. Ct. Do. do. 6 p. Ct. Royal Canal Stock Wed. ' 242J 91 98f m Thur. 240f Fri. 911 99 4 91 i 47 Sat. 235J m 99M 62 47 Mond. Tues. THE NEWRY EXAMINER. PARTY IS THE MADNESS OF MANY, FOR THE GAIN OF A FEW.' NEWRY, WEDNESDAY, MARCH 24, 1830. CAPITAL CONVICTION OF A WHOLE FAMILY FOR MURDER.— At Lirr e ick Assizes, on Monday sen. Judge Blaekburne was occupied from twelve o'clock at noon to eight o'clock at night, in the trial of John Mur- phy, Laurence Lynch, John Dunworth, Margaret Murphy, Mary Murphy, and Honora Murphy, for the wilful murder of Walter Burke, at Ballynahinch, in this county, on the night of the 12th of April, 1829. The circumstances of this atrocious case ap- peared fully in evidence last Summer Assizes; on that occasion James Murphy, son of John Murphy, one of the prisoners, was tried before Judge Torrens, found guilty, and executed for the murder of Timothy Neill, one of the keepers on his father's property.— On this occasion fresh evidence was procured in the person of Margaret Heffernan, and the prisoners above- named were convicted of the murder of Walter Burke, the second keeper, on the same night with his companion Neill, The principal witness, Mar- that he is ready to hazard a civil war rather than re- cede from any of the declarations in his Speech : " Sir,— I have listened to the Address which you pre- sent to me in the name of the Chamber of Deputies. I had a right to reckon on the concurrence of the Chambers to do all the good that I intended. I am unhappy to hear the Deputies of the Departments declare that this con- currence on their part does not exist— Gentlemen, I have already announced my intentions in my Speech at the opening of the Session ; they are immutable ; the interests of my people do not allow me to deviate from them. My Ministers will communicate my intentions to you." The Times announces, on the authority of its private correspondent, that " the French Chambers have been convoked for Friday, to receive a communication from the Government: this communication is the Ordonance of Prorogation, which will be followed, in due time, with a dissolution. The letters state that a great deal of agitation exists in the Parisian capital, and it has not been lessened by the knowledge of the personal feelings of the King and Dauphin. The former is known to have said within the last twenty- four hours : J'aime mieu monter a cheval que monter a charette— meaning that he will rather try the chance of civil war than expose himself to the fate of Louis XVI. Not- withstanding these circumstances the Funds have risen." If the French people are as obstinate as the King, there will inevitably be a second convulsion in that kingdom. There is a striking similarity between the circumstances attending the execution of Charles the First and of Louis the Sixteenth— the usurpation of Cromwell and of Buonaparte— the restoration of the Stuarts and of the Bourbons— and it is far from being improbable that the fate of the present King of France or his successor may afford a parallel to the expulsion of James the Second. FOREIGN AFFAIRS.— The French Chamber of De- puties, after two day's warm discussion, have voted an address to the King, in decided opposition to the Ministry. Though couched in the usual sentimental turgidity of the French style, and full of the most ex- travagant professions of loyalty, the Address is bold, explicit, and admits of no evasion. It characterizes the proceedings of Government as insulting and threatening. The following passage is peculiarly po: nted: " Sire, France is as great an enemy to anarchy as your Majesty is to despotism. She deserves that your Majesty should rely on her loyalty, as she relies on your promises." The Address concludes with a hint not to be mis- taken, calling for the dismissal of the present Adminis- tration. It was carried by a majority of 402 to 181. An amendment, proposed with a view to lower the tone of the Address, detached from it a considerable number of the moderate party, otherwise the majority would have been still greater. The King has returned the following answer, which puts it beyond a doubt LAST PRICE OF SHARES. Share. Paid. Last Price paid £ £. s. n. £. s. i). Hibernian Bank,. 100 25 0 0 20 0 0 Provincial Bank,. 100 25 0 0 25 0 0 National Insur... 250 25 0 0 27 0 0 Patriotic 100 10 0 0 2 7 6 MiningCo. oflrel. 25 5 0 0 6 0 0 ( FROM OUR PRIVATE CORRESPONDENT.) London, Saturday, 20th March, 1830. Were the talent and eloquence of the Members of the Lower House to be estimated by the length of their speeches, they might justly be considered brilliant orators; but unfortunately it has so happened, that the prolixity of our representatives is only to be exceeded by their dullness. In sober truth, they are most incomparable prosers; the men all prose, from the Chancellor of the Exchequer to Colonel Sibthorpe ; and upon all subjects, from the settlement of Greece, to the value of Wool 1 have scarcely recovered from the stupifying effects of last night's debate. In the early part of the evening, the " Brewing " members w ere busily employed, presenting petitions against the abolition of the licensing system, and panegyrizing the virtues of the publicans. Then the Honourable House resumed the discussion, on the dis- tressed state of the country, in presence of about 50 mem- bers, and on they talked till three in the morning, and again adjourned the debate till Tuesday:— there were300 members collected in time to vote. I envy those who are only obliged to read the speeches ; it is inconceivable how torturing it is to see and hear the speakers. Colonel Sib- thorpe lor example, spoke nearly two hours, by way of re- plying to Mr. Huskisson, who delivered the only sensi- ble speech that was made upon the subject. In the course of his oration he said, " the people of England had not a drop of water wherewith to cool their feverish tongues ;" and thenhe attempted to quote Burke, or as a reporter observed, " he did a bit of Burke;" but his memory fail- ing, he drew from his pocket a paper containing a long extract from a speech of that celebrated statesman; on which the gallant Colonel commented, sentence by sen- tence, with the happiest effect, for he afforded infinite entertainment to us in the gallery, and lulled the Hon- ourable Members to repose. Parliamentary eloquence has almost vanished. Even " The Quarterly" admits the im- becility of the Representatives of the people. The display of intellect and learning, on ordinary occasions, is limit- ed enough ; but now, when the lawyers are out of town, what is called a debate consists of small talk, feeble senti- ment, meagre language, and bad grammar. The statement of the Chancellor of the Exeheq. on Monday evening, was looked forward to with intense interest. It was expected that propositions of great importance would be made, while the usual impenetrable secresy of the Wellington Cabinet prevented any rumour, having gone forth of what these propositions would be, such as in former times took off the keen edge of curiosity, before the official an- nouncement was made. On the present occasion, I have good grounds for believing, that there was a better rea- son for the Ministerial project not having got wind, than that of Cabinet secresy ; there are general indications, that the Cabinet themselves did not know, because they had not determined, until within scarce 48 hours of the debate, what was the financial plan of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. That which has been determined upon is so far good, that it has, at all events, an appearance of a deference to the wishes of the common people, and a desire to see them more comfortable; and in the present state of things, this measure of Ministerial caution seems at least very expedient, if not absolutely necessary. As to the practical effects which are to flow from the present plans of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he would he rather a prophet who should venture to speak with much confidence. In the first place, the removal of the Beer tax can do no more than facilitate the acquisition by the poor of a favourite luxury. Now, the complaint is, that they want the common necessaries of life, and it may well be questioned, whether a man with a wife and family of four or five children, and with only 3s. fid. or 4s. a- week wages, a state of things quite common in England, will care much whether beer be a penny a pot cheaper or dearer. Next, the period of relief is postponed till Oc- tober— God knows how hundreds of thousands of the poor are to live until next October. Again, there is something conditional in the Chancellor's statement, and he provides for the possibility of his being mistaken in his calculation of being able to do without the beer duty, in which case he relies upon Parliament for helping him out of his distress. So that upon the whole, the grand proposition of the Minister comes to something like this, " we would take off taxes if we Could,— we hope that before next October tilings will mend;— we will then take o. t' the Beer tax ;— but if things do not mend, why then, Gentlemen of the House of Commons, you must give us something ill lieu of the Beer tax,— or give us it back again." It will be observed, that part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's plan, is to assimilate the Stamp Duties of England aud Ireland. This will bear hard on the Irish Newspapers,— the present Newspaper Stamp Duty in England being double that levied on Irish Newspapers, The literary Gazettes here, continue to evade the duty, while it has been vigorously enforced on the Dublin Literary Gazette. As the present Ministry assumes Ihe appearance of an Executive, submissive to the will of Parliament, rather than guiding the Parliament by their own will; there is little probability of their being obliged to quit their places ; if they propose that which is agreed to, well;— they stay in their placcs to do what they have proposed; 14 THE NEWRY EXAMINER. if the House of Commons does not like what they pro- I » S0, well;— they are willing to " listen to reason;" and they will stay in their places to modify their plans, and carry into effect the wishes of Parliament,— V Concedimus nt mandamus," this is a safe plan for retaining place and salary. It is said that the plan of finance, submitted 011 Monday night by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was a part of the suggestions of Lord Goderich. Mr. Sadler's charac- ter in the House is lost; he was fairly shouted down. I doubt if he will ever be tolerated for more than ten mi- nutes. Last night, when Sir C. Wetherell pronounced an extravagant eulogy on the talents and eloquence of the Member for Newark, it was received with Oh, Oh's! and roars of laughter. Mr. Macauley has gone on the Circuit, not having yet opened his lips in the House ; per- haps he will be cautious ; Canning was two years a Mem- ber before he ventured on a speech. I have heard a Barrister assert, that although Mr. Macauley is an ele- gant scholar, and a fluent speaker, he did not think him calculated to become a powerful Parliamentary orator, or a distinguished statesman ; if, however, he can only speak as he can write, he must surely dazzle the dull mortals by whom the House of Commons is filled. Lord Radnor has done himself immortal honour in the House of Lords, by his powerful and manly speech, in opposition to the Ellenborough Divorce Bill; it was un- answerable, and worthy the Lord Folkstonc who proved himself, on many occasions, the zealous and uncompro- mising friend of the rights and liberties of the people. Lord Malmsbury stated a cheering circumstance, namely, that such divorces had increased nearly tenfold, of late years, among the higher classes. This was altogether a foul transaction ; yet the bill was read last night in the Commons for the first tune, without a single observation being made upon it; and whether the slightest opposition will ' be offered to the Member of the Cabinet's Divorce Bill, is very problematical. In the literary world much has not been doing. Col- burn seems disposed to rest awhile— after his last broadside of seventy- seven new books upon the public. As Lords have of late condescended to become authois, so we are likely to be blessed with titled authoresses. Lady Can- ning' has published a sarcastic and rather waspish pam- phlet, in vindication of her husband's policy with regard to Portugal; and Ladv Byron, they say, has threatened to annihilate Tommy Moore. Mr. O'Connell has contented himself of late with pre- senting petitions, moving for returns, and making short speeches, the one half of which the Times newspaper does not publish. The dinner on Patrick's day went off with great spirit. The " great Duke" was enthusiastically re- ceived ; in returning thanks he addressed his " fellow- countrymen" with kindness, and spoke with unusual emotion. PRIVILEGE OF THE BAR.— Sir James Scarlett has created himself a Censor of the Press, and if he could be made sensible of a tithe of the contempt which his recent conduct has brought upon liis public character, his new office would be no sinecure. The backsliding saint carries with him an unction of god- liness, even when he falls into the grossest immorality; and a renegade Whig cannot help professing his regard for the rights of the subject and the liberty of the Press. The Press, Sir James Scarlett argued, would lose all its moral influence if its liberty degenerated into licentiousness, " It would become," he averred, when put upon his defence by Sir Charles Wetherell it would become, like Thersites, as described by Homer, who might say thaf Achillcs was a coward, and Agamemnon not a great king, while the Greeks would only laugh at his mendacity and despise his slander." Without inquiring into the logical justness of this illustration, we would tell Sir James Scarlett, that it is far more applicable to the unbridled licentiousness of his own profession. The latitude which lawyers allow themselves in their vituperative remarks, has long been a subject of complaint; but we never saw it so strongly exemplified as in the trial of " Coyle versus Seaver and Bernard," as reported in another part of our paper- Such a torrent of abuse never was poured upon the head of man, as Mr. Scriven, the leading Counsel of the defendants, heaped upon Colonel Ogle, of Fork- hill. The report which we have given of Mr. Scriven's speech is a tolerably accurate one; but it falls far short— there is no use in mincing terms— of the gross blackguardism of the style, and can convey no idea of the bullying insolence in the manner of the original. He charged Colonel Ogle with falsehood— the mean- est of all vices— and falsehood of a kind for which the annals of human depravity can seldom afford a parallel. He charged him with having urged on the defendants to convict the plaintiff for having unregis- tered fire- arms in his possession— with having signed the conviction, and then making it the ground of a secret underhand application to the Lord Lieutenant for the dismissal of his brother Magistrates. He com- mented upon the infamy of this conduct in terms at once the coarsest and most cutting; and when the object of his abuse, who was close to him, forgetting, through . the excitement of his feelings, the etiquette of the Court, offered to submit himself to the ordeal of a cross- examination, what were the words of the special pleader ? " No, Sir, you have been mistaken on your word and hand, and I would not like to ask you any thing on your oath. Could I trust a man upon his oath, when I knew to a certainty that he had certified to the Lord Lieutenant what the Lord Lieutenant afterwards discovered to be false ?" Had Colonel Ogle actually been guilty of the charge brought against him, the attack of Mr, Scriven was scarcely within the limits of decorum; but when the witnesses were called, there was not a tittle of evi- dence to prove a single assertion which Mr. Scriven had made. Nay, it appeared, from the examination of the witnesses he produced, that from first to last Cor lonel Ogle had endeavoured to shield the plaintiff from the oppressive and illegal acts of the defendants— that, so far from having signed the conviction, he had sign- ed nothing but a memorandum of an adjournment of the case, which be looked upon as equivalent to a dis- missal, and that the words which warranted the sup- position hat a conviction had taken place, were evi- dently nterpolated at a subsequent period, written i a different ink, and, as was sworn to by the Clerk of the Petit Sessions, in the hand writing of one of the defendants! Of the parties in this case we know nothing. We never saw Colonel Ogle till we saw him in the Court- house of Armagh on Friday last; but we may safely adopt the language of Mr. Tomb, in his rtiild, gentle- manly, and impressive speech to evidence, and say, that if Colonel Ogle has never been guilty of any thing more blameable than his conduct in reference to the plaintiff, he has, indeed, been a badly used man : nay, we would go further and sa^, that if his public character had not always been what it ought to be, the humanity, justice, and benevolence which he evinced in the case of Coyle, would almost he suffici- ent to redeem it. The proceedings in this case are deserving of public attention : they serve, in some de- gree, to expose the manner in which justice is dis- pensed in Ireland; and few who peruse them will wonder that discontent and insubordination should prevail, even were there no other causes to produce them than the conduct of the Irish Magistracy. The point, however, which we wish to make out, is the anomaly which exists between the restrictions on the Press, and the unbounded licentiousness which is granted, by prescription, to what is called the Pri- vilege of the Bar. If a public journalist, in the dis- charge of his duty, inadvertently pejis a line which can be construed into" a libel, he is immediately visit- ed by legal proceedings which are attended with a ruinous expense; counsel are arrayed against him, who talk, with plausible moderation, of unwarrantable attacks on individuals; judges interpret the law to his disadvantage; and juries, intelligent, upright, and in- dependent on all other occasions, bring in a verdict of guilty, though they know the allegations charged as libellous to be " true as the Gospel." We do not wish to curtail the privileges of the bar. Even its li- centiousness we would not meddle with ; for the evil cures itself. Invectives that are not borne out by facts, always recoil upon those who indulge in them; and the opprobrium which is sought to be fastened upon an innocent individual, merely brings disgrace up- on the malicious fabricators of the calumny. The speech which Mr. Scriven made, 011 the occasion to which we refer, was the chief cause of the heavy da- mages awarded against his clients; and as he merely followed his instructions, it is quite fitting that they should abide the consequences of their own act. But now, that so many prosecutions are pending over the Irish Press— when conspiracies are actually formed to put down some of the most spirited and independent journals in the Empire— we would request juries, when special pleaders talk of the licentiousness of the Press, to listen to them with caution; and when they interpret the law of libel— not to believe them. In this advice, perhaps, we are interested. The fore- going remarks might be construed into a libel; but if they be, we are ready to abide the consequences. Pri- vate character, we shall uniformly hold sacred; and, in speaking of the public conduct of individuals, we shall never unnecessarily do violence to the feelings of an honest man, however his opinions may differ from our own. But when the ordinary courtesies of society— the little amenities that smooth the rugged path of life— are flagrantly and publicly violated, we would deem it a dereliction of duty, not to fix upon the in- fringement the stamp of unmitigated reprobation. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. THE BUDGET.— In the House of Commons, on Monday, after the presentation of a considerable num- ber of Petitions similar to those of the same evening in the Lords, the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward his important motion of the Budget. He spoke for above two hours in delivering the financial view which he took of the affairs of the country. The chief feature in the financial plan of the Right Hon. Gent, is the abolition of the beer- duty, of the leather- duty, and of the duty on cider. The revenue arising from the first he calculated m rotuid numbers at £ 3,000,000; the second at £ 350,000; and the last at £- 25,000, making a total, in round numbers, of £ 3,400,000. In looking out for the means of reliev- ing the public, two plans occurred to the Right Hon. Gentleman, each of which was examined with mature deliberation. In the first place, as the lower classes, connected with agriculture and manufactures, were suffering peculiar pressure, his Majesty's Government had considered whether it might not be advisable to substitute for taxes which affected them, a species of taxes to be imposed on others more able to support the burden. This project would merely shift the pressure from one portion of the community to another. A property- tax would have effected this purpose, and, therefore, such a tax had been under the consideration of his Majesty's Government, though the idea of it had been afterwards abandoned. The alternative, therefore, of abolishing some taxes without imposing others was adopted. In looking at the kind of im- posts which it would be advisable to abolish, the Government had been guided by two principles, namely, that the tax to be cancelled should be one, the removal of which would yield immediate relief to the lower orders; and secondly, that it should be of a kind to be entirely ( and not partially) abolished, so as to save the expense of collection, and to allow the removal of restrictions. The duty on beer appeared to him to unite these two conditions, and he, there- THE SUBSCRIBERS OFFER FOR SALE, 300 Hhds. of NEW DUTCH FLAXSEED, 40 Tons of OAK BARK, arrived vesterday, per the Maria, Captain De Wyk, from DORDT. JEFFERSON & GODFREY. Newry, 15th March, 1830. 26 fore, did not hesitate to recommend its abolition. Combined with this measure, was the opening of the trade in beer; for he never would have consented to remove those checks, which even the imperfect sur- veillance of the Excise opposed to its adulteration, unless he could guard the public from the chance of such an evil by establishing a perfectly free competi- tion, and enabling the public to secure the goodness of the article by giving their custom to those who supplied it of the best quality. The duty on eider was not important in amount, but it was levied under restrictions which were so vexatious as to limit its manufacture and consumption in parts of the country where it would otherwise be a favourite drink. The same objections existed to the tax upon leather, and the same advantage would result, to the same classes, from its repeal. It pressed particularly 011 the lower classes, and on the persons engaged in agriculture, while, as in the case of beer, the excise restrictions necessary for collecting the tax, constituted a great ag- gravation of its prcsure. Though, therefore, the net revenue derived from these three sources only amount- ed to £ 3,400,000, he had no doubt that the re- peal of the taxes would produce a relief equal to £ 5,000,000. He proposed a small additional duty on spirits. He trusted the House would bear in mind the ground upon which the duty on spirits had been originally reduced. It had been reduced to overcome a system of smuggling, which, whilst it affected and injured the Revenue, was grievously corrupting and debauching the morals of the people. The House had, therefore, two objects in view when it acceded to that resolution— it wished to increase the Revenue, by checking the extent to which illicit distillation was carried, and to improve the morals of the population by taking away temptations to smuggling. He pro- posed, therefore, 011 the present occasion, to do no more than to increase the duty on spirits distilled in Ireland and Scotland from 2s. lOd. to 3s. a gallon— an increase in the rate of duty which would not afford premium for setting up again establishments for smuggling which had already been put down, but which, by operating on these spirits, would give the country a revenue, and woidd, if it t iscouraged and prevented habits of intoxication, be, as far as that went, a benefit to the community. As to England, where the danger of illicit distillation was much less than it was in^ either Scotland or Ireland, and where the duty had been considerably reduced; in England he proposed to make a larger addition to the duties on spirits than he proposed to make either in Scotland or Ireland. He proposed to make the duty on English spirits 8s. instead of 7s. a gallon, an amount which would not be enough to encourage the illicit sale of such spirits, though it was enough to produce some advantage to the Revenue. The amount of income which he expected to derive this year from this source was £ 300,000. This sum, together with the sum which he expected to derive from the alteration in the stamp duties, being added to the surplus of revenue over expenditure, which he had already stated, would leave a clear surplus of £ 3,070,000. He proposed that from and after the 5th of July next, the duties upon leather should terminate. Till that time he pro- posed to continue them for the very same reasons for which he proposed to continue the duty on beer to the 10th of October next— namely, that then the restric- tions would, in the regular order of occurrences, cease, and in October the licensing system usually took place, so that they would, at such a time, have the opportunity of reconsidering it, with a view to its total alteration. He said that he would also, in a few days, submit a plan for the reduction of the four per cent, stock to three and a half, to operate in the ensuing year, by which the country would save £ 1,000,000. DISTRESS OK THE COUNTRY.— The remainder of the Parliamentary business of the week has been ex- tremely heavy; and calculated to throw little light upon the gloomy subject, which now so frequently occupies public attention. A debate upon the dis- tresses of the country has occupied the Commons three nights, and the Lords one. At three o'clock on Satur- day morning, the House of Commons refused to ad- journ the debate till Monday, by the extraordinary majority of 341 to 9. They then again, upon a gene- ral question of adjournment, divided, 329 to 12; and yet they decided, after an hour's talk, with closed doors, that the debate should stand adjourned until yesterday. If the appaling distress which prevails were not too fearful a reality, it would be difficult to form an opinion upon the subject from the Parliamentary proceedings. The King's speech said the distress was only partial; the Chancellor of the Exchequer expa- tiates upon it as most grievous ; Mr. Herries declares it scarcely exists ; and Mr. Huskisson, proves, by the Custom- house books and public returns, that trade is flourishing. Taxes, however, have been reduced to the amount of £ 3,400,000; and this has been so ar- ranged, that the individuals who will benefit most by the reduction are the lowest and most empoverished classes. For this boon we have to thank the Govern- ment alone. Had Mr. Hume proposed this reduction, our precious Parliament would have left in him a minority of thirteen. Yesterday, there was a meeting of the Newry Chamber of Commerce, to take into consideration the propriety of petitioning Parliament against the contemplated increase of the newspaper stamp duties in Ireland. After some discussion, it was finally resolved, that no further steps should be takeu in this matter, until a communication had been entered into with the merchants of Belfest and Dub- lin on the subject. The Treasurer for the Mendicity Association, acknow- ledges the receipt of 15s wages, forfeited at the Petty- Ses- sions, before T. G. Henry, and Isaac Glenny, Esqrs., Magistrates, by Margaret Raffarty, to Mr. Alex. Mac- donell, she being his hired servant, and having left his service without' permission, and in the middle of her term. The foregoing should serve as a CAtrxiojt TO SERVANTS. CULM FOR SALE. ABOUT Forty Tons fit for Lime or Brick Burn- ers' use. Apply at the GLASS WORKS. Newry, March 23, 1830. 2f » TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, On Saturday the 21th instant, at 12 0' Clock noon, and suc- ceeding Market- days, till all are disposed of, THE CARGO of the Sloop Clachnacuddm, of In- verness, now lying opposite the Stores of Messrs. Corrys, Little, and Swanzy, consisting of 340 Barrels Best Crown Brand HERRINGS, 17 Casks, containing 10 Galls, each, COD- OIL. To be put up in Lots to suit Purchasers. As this Sale will be without reserve, those in the trade will find it their interest to attend. P. WEST, Auctioneer. Newry, 23d March, 1830. N. B— Any person disposed to purchase by Private Contract, will please applv to GEO. SUTER on board, or to Messrs. M'NAGHTE and DALZELL. WILLIAM HANCOCK OFFERS FOR SALE, 500 Barrels Riga FLAXSEED, 1,250 Hhds. New York Do. 20 Bags Red CLOVERSEED, 500 Bushels SPRING VETCHES, 30 Hhds. Scale and Refined SUGARS, 20 Boxes SUGAR CANDY, 10 Puncheons MOLASSES, 80 Chests Congou and Green TEAS, 10 Casks SALTPETRE, 4 Bales Black PEPPER, 50 Boxes MOULD CANDLES, 100 Do. Composition Do., < 20 Boxes RAISINS, 5 Tierces Carolina RICE, 10 Bags GINfGER, 40 Casks Y. C. TALLOW, 20 Puncheons Malt and Corn WHISKEY, 10 Hampers Best Old Berkley CHEESE, 150 Bales BARILLA, 200 Bottles VITRIOL, 20 Casks BLEACHING POWDER, 20,000 BATH BRICK, 200 Rolls Cane and Pigtail TOBACCO, 30 Casks Glauber and Epsom SALTS, 10,000 BARREL STAVES. THE FINE NEW CORPERED BRIG, MARY ANNE, 300 Tons Burthen, CAPTAIN WOOD, Commander, Daily expected from NEW- YORK, arid will return with GOODS and PASSENGERS, about the 15th APRIL next. For Freight or Passage apply as above. M'NAGHTAN & DALZELL, OFFER FOR SAT. F., 300 Barrels Best New RIGA FLAXSEED, 200 Hhds. Best New NEW YORK DITTO, 40 Bags Best New ENGLISH & DUTCH ILEI) CLOVER- SEEl), 50 Casks RUSSIAN Y. C. TALLOW, 30 Hhds. Fine and Common SCALE SUGAR, 5 Hhds. Refined DITTO, 60 Chests Fine and Common CONGOU, GREE N", HYSON, and GUNPOWDER TEA, 20 Boxes Refined CANDY, 10 Puncheons BRITISH MOLASSES, 40 Ditto Old SCOTCH and IRISH MALT and GRAIN WHISKEY, 120 Bales ALICANTE BARILLA, 30 Pipes WHITE and RED WINE, in Pipes, Hhds. and Quarter Casks, 30 Bales COCOA SHELL, 20 Casks Refined SALTPETRE, 15 Ditto PAL- M OIL, 5 Tons NEWFOUNDLAND COD FISH, 15000 CANE REEDS, 500 Bags ANNAGASSAN FLOUR, 100 Barrels BRITISH AMBER ROSIN, 2 Bales BLACK PEPPER; With a large quantity of Old PORT, SHERRY, CAPE, and ALOQUE WINE, in Bottles ;— and a GENERAL ASSORTMENT of GOODS in the SPIRIT AND GROCERY LINE; Also, Common ROLL, CANE and PIGTAIL TO- BACCO and SNUFF ; best Bleachers' SOAP— Dip- ped and Mould CANDLES of their own Manufacture, will be sold on reasonable terms for good Payments. M'N. and D. daily expect the arrival of the Gem, I. Scotland, and the Apprentice, D. Cadenhead, from BE- NECARLO and ALICANTE, with 300 Bales BARILLA, 20 Pipes ") 20 Hhds. y WHITE and RED WINE, 10 Quarter Casks J 30000 CANE REEDS, 50 Boxes RAISINS, 2 Bales ALMONDS, A Cargo of GALWAY KELP shortly expected. Newry, 11th March, 1830. 32 Newry, 10th March, 1830. ENGLISH VETCHES, THE SUBSCRIBER is this day landing from on board the Juno, direct from LONDON, a iarge Parcel FINE ENGLISH VETCHES; WHICH, WITH 40 Sacks Prime English Red CLOVER- SEED., 30 Do. do. Dutch, do. do. 100 Do. English Perennial GRASS SEED, And his extensive Stock of other AGRICULTURAL & GARDEN SEEDS, ( All purchased previous to the late great advance,) will be sold on moderate and liberal terms. EDWARD CLARK,